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馬丁。路德。金的演講詞“I have a dream”

馬丁·路德·金:我有一個夢
馬丁。路德。金的演講詞“I have a dream”
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I Have A Dream

Martin Luther King, Jr,

Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. August 28, 1963.

   I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

   Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.

   One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

   In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

   It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

   But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

   We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

   It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.

   There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

   But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must ever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

   The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

   And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

   I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow. I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

   I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed; we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.

   I have a dream,

   that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream,

   that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream,

   that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

   I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today!

   I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

   This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning "My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!" And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring

from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that.

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside,

   let freedom ring! And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last."

馬丁·路德·金

1963年8月28日

美國華盛頓特區林肯紀念堂

   今天,我高興地同大家一起,參加這次将成為我國曆史上為了争取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。

   100年前,一位偉大的美國人——今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下——簽署了《解放宣言》。這項重要法令的頒布,對于千百萬灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴,猶如帶來希望之光的碩大燈塔,恰似結束漫漫長夜禁锢的歡暢黎明。

   然而,100年後,黑人依然沒有獲得自由。100年後,黑人依然悲慘地蹒跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年後,黑人依然生活在物質繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年後,黑人依然在美國社會中間向隅而泣,依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。是以,我們今天來到這裡,要把這駭人聽聞的情況公諸于衆。

   從某種意義上說,我們來到國家的首都是為了兌現一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在拟寫憲法和獨立宣言的輝煌篇章時,就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾——不論白人還是黑人——都享有不可讓渡的生存權、自由權和追求幸福權。

   然而,今天美國顯然對她的有色公民拖欠着這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神聖的債務,而是開始給黑人一張空頭支票——一張蓋着“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是,我們決不相信正義的銀行會破産。我們決不相信這個國家巨大的機會寶庫會資金不足。

是以,我們來兌現這張支票。這張支票将給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。

   我們來到這塊聖地還為了提醒美國:現在正是萬分緊急的時刻。現在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進主義鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實作民主諾言的時候。現在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷,踏上種族平等的陽關大道的時候。現在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙,踏上充滿手足之情的磐石的時候。現在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時候。

   忽視這一時刻的緊迫性,對于國家将會是緻命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來,黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會過去。1963年不是一個結束,而是一個開端。

如果國家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人隻需出出氣就會心滿意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民權之前,美國既不會安甯,也不會平靜。反抗的旋風将繼續震撼我們國家的基石,直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。

   但是,對于站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的人們,有一些話我必須要說。在我們争取合法地位的過程中,切不要錯誤行事導緻犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒,來解除對于自由的飲渴。

   我們應該永遠得體地、紀律嚴明地進行鬥争。我們不能容許我們富有創造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。我們應該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。

席卷黑人社會的新的奇迹般的戰鬥精神,不應導緻我們對所有白人的不信任——因為許多白人兄弟已經認識到:他們的命運同我們的命運緊密相連,他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關。他們今天來到這裡參加集會就是明證。

   我們不能單獨行動。當我們行動時,我們必須保證勇往直前。我們不能後退。有人問熱心民權運動的人:“你們什麼時候會感到滿意?”隻要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品,我們就決不會滿意。隻要我們在旅途勞頓後,卻被公路旁汽車遊客旅社和城市旅館拒之門外,我們就決不會滿意。隻要黑人的基本活動範圍隻限于從狹小的黑人居住區到較大的黑人居住區,我們就決不會滿意。隻要我們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子剝奪個性,損毀尊嚴,我們就決不會滿意。隻要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉,紐約州的黑人認為他們與選舉毫不相幹,我們就決不會滿意。不,不,我們不會滿意,直至公正似水奔流,正義如泉噴湧。

   我并非沒有注意到你們有些人曆盡艱難困苦來到這裡。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。有些人來自因追求自由而遭受迫害風暴襲擊和警察暴虐狂飙摧殘的地區。你們飽經風霜,曆盡苦難。繼續努力吧,要相信:無辜受苦終得拯救。

   回到密西西比去吧;回到亞拉巴馬去吧;回到南卡羅來納去吧;回到佐治亞去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區去吧。要知道,這種情況能夠而且将會改變。我們切不要在絕望的深淵裡沉淪。

   朋友們,今天我要對你們說,盡管眼下困難重重,但我依然懷有一個夢。這個夢深深植根于美國夢之中。

   我夢想有一天,這個國家将會奮起,實作其立國信條的真谛:“我們認為這些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。”

我夢想有一天,在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上,昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐,親如手足。

   我夢想有一天,甚至連密西西比州——一個非正義和壓迫的熱浪逼人的荒漠之州,也會改造成為自由和公正的青青綠洲。

   我夢想有一天,我的四個小女兒将生活在一個不是以皮膚的顔色,而是以品格的優劣作為評判标準的國家裡。

我今天懷有一個夢。

   我夢想有一天,亞拉巴馬州會有所改變——盡管該州州長現在仍滔滔不絕地說什麼要對聯邦法令提出異議和拒絕執行——在那裡,黑人兒童能夠和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地攜手并行。

我今天懷有一個夢。

   我夢想有一天,深谷彌合,高山夷平,歧路化坦途,曲徑成通衢,上帝的光華再現,普天下生靈共谒。

   這是我們的希望。這是我将帶回南方去的信念。有了這個信念,我們就能從絕望之山開采出希望之石。有了這個信念,我們就能把這個國家的嘈雜刺耳的争吵聲,變為充滿手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個信念,我們就能一同工作,一同祈禱,一同鬥争,一同入獄,一同維護自由,因為我們知道,我們終有一天會獲得自由。

到了這一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌:

   我的祖國,可愛的自由之邦,我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方,這是早期移民自豪的地方,讓自由之聲,響徹每一座山崗。

   如果美國要成為偉大的國家,這一點必須實作。是以,讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨高峰!

讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺!

讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰!

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山!

讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰!

不,不僅如此;讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山!

讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山!

讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰,一個個土丘!

讓自由之聲響徹每一個山崗!

   當我們讓自由之聲轟響,當我們讓自由之聲響徹每一個大村小莊,每一個州府城鎮,我們就能加速這一天的到來。那時,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,猶太教徒和非猶太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,将能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌:“終于自由了!終于自由了!感謝全能的上帝,我們終于自由了!”

來源:http://det.tjfsu.edu.cn/speech/speech_dream.htm

1.Our God Is Marching On! - 25 March 1965

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馬丁。路德。金的演講詞“I have a dream”

Let us therefore continue our triumphant march (Uh huh) to the realization of the American dream. (Yes, sir) Let us march on segregated housing (Yes, sir) until every ghetto or social and economic depression dissolves, and Negroes and whites live side by side in decent, safe, and sanitary housing. (Yes, sir) Let us march on segregated schools (Let us march, Tell it) until every vestige of segregated and inferior education becomes a thing of the past, and Negroes and whites study side-by-side in the socially-healing context of the classroom.

Let us march on poverty (Let us march) until no American parent has to skip a meal so that their children may eat. (Yes, sir) March on poverty (Let us march) until no starved man walks the streets of our cities and towns (Yes, sir) in search of jobs that do not exist. (Yes, sir) Let us march on poverty (Let us march) until wrinkled stomachs in Mississippi are filled, (That's right) and the idle industries of Appalachia are realized and revitalized, and broken lives in sweltering ghettos are mended and remolded.

Let us march on ballot boxes, (Let's march) march on ballot boxes until race-baiters disappear from the political arena.

Let us march on ballot boxes until the salient misdeeds of bloodthirsty mobs (Yes, sir) will be transformed into the calculated good deeds of orderly citizens. (Speak, Doctor)

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march) until the Wallaces of our nation tremble away in silence.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march) until we send to our city councils (Yes, sir), state legislatures, (Yes, sir) and the United States Congress, (Yes, sir) men who will not fear to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with thy God.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march. March) until brotherhood becomes more than a meaningless word in an opening prayer, but the order of the day on every legislative agenda.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Yes) until all over Alabama God's children will be able to walk the earth in decency and honor.

...

I come to say to you this afternoon, however difficult the moment, (Yes, sir) however frustrating the hour, it will not be long, (No sir) because "truth crushed to earth will rise again." (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (Yes, sir) because "no lie can live forever." (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (All right. How long) because "you shall reap what you sow." (Yes, sir)

How long? (How long?) Not long: (Not long)

Truth forever on the scaffold, (Speak)

Wrong forever on the throne, (Yes, sir)

Yet that scaffold sways the future, (Yes, sir)

And, behind the dim unknown,

Standeth God within the shadow,

Keeping watch above his own.

How long? Not long, because the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice. (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (Not long) because:

Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord; (Yes, sir)

He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored; (Yes)

He has loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword; (Yes, sir)

His truth is marching on. (Yes, sir)

He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat; (Speak, sir)

He is sifting out the hearts of men before His judgment seat. (That's right)

O, be swift, my soul, to answer Him! Be jubilant my feet!

Our God is marching on. (Yeah)

Glory, hallelujah! (Yes, sir) Glory, hallelujah! (All right)

2."Give Us the Ballot," Address at the Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom - 17 May 1957

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馬丁。路德。金的演講詞“I have a dream”

We must realize that we are grappling with the most weighty social problem of this nation, and in grappling with such a complex problem there is no place for misguided emotionalism. (All right, That's right) We must work passionately and unrelentingly for the goal of freedom, but we must be sure that our hands are clean in the struggle. We must never struggle with falsehood, hate, or malice. We must never become bitter. I know how we feel sometime. There is the danger that those of us who have been forced so long to stand amid the tragic midnight of oppression—those of us who have been trampled over, those of us who have been kicked about—there is the danger that we will become bitter. But if we will become bitter and indulge in hate campaigns, the new order which is emerging will be nothing but a duplication of the old order. (Yeah, That's all right)

...

There is something in this universe (Yes, Yes) which justifies Carlyle in saying: "No lie can live forever." (All right) There is something in this universe which justifies William Cullen Bryant in saying: "Truth crushed to earth will rise again." (Yes. All right) There is something in this universe (Watch yourself) which justifies James Russell Lowell in saying:

Truth forever on the scaffold,

Wrong forever on the throne. (Oh yeah)

Yet that scaffold sways the future,

And behind the dim unknown

Stands God (All right), within the shadow,

Keeping watch above His own. (Yeah, yes)

...

Give us the ballot, and we will no longer have to worry the federal government about our basic rights.

Give us the ballot (Yes) and we will no longer plead to the federal government for passage of an anti-lynching law; we will by the power of our vote write the law on the statute books of the South (All right) and bring an end to the dastardly acts of the hooded perpetrators of violence.

Give us the ballot (Give us the ballot), and we will transform the salient misdeeds of bloodthirsty mobs (Yeah) into the calculated good deeds of orderly citizens.

Give us the ballot (Give us the ballot), and we will fill our legislative halls with men of goodwill (All right now) and send to the sacred halls of Congress men who will not sign a "Southern Manifesto" because of their devotion to the manifesto of justice. (Tell 'em about it)

Give us the ballot (Yeah), and we will place judges on the benches of the south who will do justly and love mercy (Yeah), and we will place at the head of the southern states governors who have felt not only the tang of the human, but the glow of the Divine.

Give us the ballot (Yes), and we will quietly and nonviolently, without rancor or bitterness, implement the Supreme Court's decision of May seventeenth, 1954. (That's right)

3.Speech at Great March on Detroit - 23 June 1963

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馬丁。路德。金的演講詞“I have a dream”

And so we must say, now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to transform this pending national elegy into a creative psalm of brotherhood. Now is the time to lift our nation. [Applause] Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of racial justice. Now is the time to get rid of segregation and discrimination. Now is the time. [Applause] (Now. Now)

...

And so this social revolution taking place can be summarized in three little words. They are not big words. One does not need an extensive vocabulary to understand them. They are the words "all," "here," and "now." We want all of our rights, we want them here, and we want them now. [Applause] [Recording interrupted]

...

[Applause] realizing that injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. And we've got to come to see that the problem of racial injustice is a national problem. No community in this country can boast of clean hands in the area of brotherhood. Now in the North it’s different in that it doesn’t have the legal sanction that it has in the South. But it has its subtle and hidden forms and it exists in three areas: in the area of employment discrimination, in the area of housing discrimination, and in the area of de facto segregation in the public schools. And we must come to see that de facto segregation in the North is just as injurious as the actual segregation in the South. [Applause] And so if you want to help us in Alabama and Mississippi and over the South, do all that you can to get rid of the problem here.

來源:http://blog.csdn.net/asign/archive/2004/07/13/40834.aspx