The anti-Japanese name will be taken away from the military power by Lao Chiang, and someone has an idea: instigate an uprising of the troops!
In 1945, the victory of the Anti-Japanese War was in sight, but an unexpectedly fateful anti-Japanese general with outstanding merits encountered an unexpected fate. He once annihilated hundreds of enemies in eight counties of Lianke in northern Henan, and made great contributions to the War of Resistance. However, just as the dawn of victory was about to shine on the land of China, the general was suspicious and ostracized by Chiang Kai-shek, deprived of military power, and reduced to a deputy commander in name only.
The general, who had lost his military power, was anxious, knowing that the country was at a critical moment, but he was unable to serve the country. Just when he was in trouble, a political dignitary made a bold suggestion to him: instigate an uprising! This proposal was like a ray of light in the darkness, giving the general new hope and direction.
But how easy is it to instigate an uprising? Without military power, how can I contact the troops? In the face of the close surveillance of the military commander's spies, how should he avoid his eyes and ears? More importantly, at the critical moment of the KMT-CCP showdown, what impact will his choice have on the future of the country? Can this anti-Japanese celebrity make the right choice at the crossroads of fate?
1. The rise of anti-Japanese heroes
In the long history of China's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, countless heroes have emerged, including a general named Liu Changyi, whose legendary experience can be called a magnificent epic of the War of Resistance Against Japan.
Liu Changyi was born in Henan Province and his family was poor since he was a child, but he was determined to serve the country since he was a child. In 1926, at the age of 18, Liu Changyi resolutely joined the National Revolutionary Army and began his military career. With his extraordinary courage and military talent, Liu Changyi quickly rose to prominence in the army.
In 1937, the all-out war of resistance broke out. In the face of the barbaric invasion of the Japanese army, Liu Changyi threw himself into the anti-Japanese front without hesitation. He first formed a guerrilla force in Zhangjiakou to fight with Liu Ruming's 68th Army. During this period, Liu Changyi gave full play to the advantages of guerrilla tactics and dealt a heavy blow to the Japanese army.
Subsequently, Liu Changyi led his troops to retreat to Henan, where he established contact with Zhu Rui, the liaison officer of the Eighth Route Army in the First Theater. Zhu Rui personally taught Liu Changyi the experience of guerrilla warfare, which had a profound impact on Liu Changyi's future military operations. In his dealings with the Eighth Route Army, Liu Changyi gradually realized the ideas and ideas of the Communist Party, which laid the groundwork for his future political choices.
In 1939, Liu Changyi launched a series of thrilling anti-Japanese actions in northern Henan. He skillfully used the trick to successfully annihilate more than 600 Japanese soldiers and captured a large number of weapons and equipment, including more than 500 rifles, more than 40 machine guns and two field guns. What is even more remarkable is that he led his troops to conquer eight counties in northern Henan, which greatly encouraged the local military and people's anti-Japanese fighting spirit. This series of brilliant achievements led to the reorganization of Liu Changyi's troops into the provisional 15th Army, and he himself was promoted to lieutenant general.
In 1944, Liu Changyi led the 15th Army to engage in a fierce battle with the Japanese army in Xuchang. In this bloody battle, Lu Gongliang, commander of the 29th Division, and Yu Haidong, commander of the 80th Regiment, died heroically. Despite the heavy price, Liu Changyi's troops still dealt a heavy blow to the Japanese army, demonstrating the indomitable fighting spirit of the Chinese soldiers.
However, just as Liu Changyi was becoming famous, a turning point in fate crept in. Because he led a ragtag army and had contact with the Communists, Chiang Kai-shek was suspicious. In January 1945, at the critical moment when the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression was about to be won, Liu Changyi was suddenly removed from the post of army commander and reappointed as the deputy commander of the 19th Group Army, effectively losing his military power.
This sudden blow made Liu Changyi fall into deep confusion. He couldn't help but ask himself: Why did he suffer such a bad luck after making great contributions to the country's war of resistance? Faced with the uncertainty of the country's future, what should I do?
Just when Liu Changyi was in trouble, a chance chance changed the trajectory of his fate. In early 1946, he had a secret meeting with the then president of the Senate, Lee Ji-shen. After Li Jishen learned about Liu Changyi's situation, he made a bold suggestion to him: "To defeat the Chiang clan, it is necessary to unite the Northeast Army, the Northwest Army, the Gui Army, and all the excluded talents." If you stay here and instigate an uprising of Chiang's troops in the name of a deputy commander, it will be more useful than going to Hong Kong Island. ＂
These words were like an initiation, which made Liu Changyi suddenly enlightened. He realized that although he had lost his military power, he could still contribute to the future of his country. From then on, Liu Changyi secretly resolved to regain control of the actual command of the troops and wait for an opportunity to realize his desire for an uprising.
2. Loss of momentum and dilemma
Liu Changyi's outstanding exploits in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression did not win him the status and respect he deserved. On the contrary, as the dawn of victory in the War of Resistance gradually appeared, his situation became more and more difficult. In January 1945, a paper order was like a bolt from the blue, completely changing Liu Changyi's fate.
The content of the order seems prosaic: Liu Changyi was appointed deputy commander of the 19th Army. On the surface, this is a leveling transfer, and it can even be said to be a small improvement. However, everyone in the military knows that this is actually a naked debasement. Because before that, Liu Changyi had always been the commander of the army alone, holding the actual command. And now he is only a deputy commander and has lost direct control of the troops.
Behind this personnel change was Chiang Kai-shek's growing suspicion and distrust of Liu Changyi. The main reasons why Chiang Kai-shek took such measures against Liu Changyi were as follows:
First of all, Liu Changyi led a ragtag army. In the Kuomintang military system, the motley army has always been seen as an unreliable force. Although Liu Changyi excelled in the Sino-Japanese War, his military background still made Chiang Kai-shek suspicious.
Second, Liu Changyi had contact with the Communist Party. As early as the early days of the Anti-Japanese War, Liu Changyi had close cooperation with the Eighth Route Army. Although this cooperation took place in the context of the anti-Japanese united front, it remained a potential threat in the eyes of Chiang Kai-shek.
Moreover, Liu Changyi's outstanding performance on the battlefield has become his "sin". With victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in sight, Chiang Kai-shek began to lay out the post-war political situation. In his plan, a capable, prestigious, and not completely controlled general like Liu Changyi needed to be guarded against.
After losing his military power, Liu Changyi's situation became more and more difficult. Although he bears the title of deputy commander, he is in fact a non-existent person. In the army, he lost his original voice and influence. The subordinates who had once looked down on him were now alienating him.
What made Liu Changyi feel even more suffocated was that he found himself under close surveillance. The military commander spy is everywhere, and his every move is under the control of the other party. This feeling of being watched made Liu Changyi struggling to move forward.
In this predicament, Liu Changyi began to seek a breakthrough. He tried to express his loyalty to Chiang Kai-shek through various channels, hoping to regain trust. However, these efforts have had little effect. Chiang Kai-shek's attitude towards him remained cold, and even tended to become more and more distant.
At the beginning of 1946, by chance, Liu Changyi had a secret meeting with Li Jishen, then president of the Senate. This meeting had a profound impact on Liu Changyi. As a veteran of the political arena, Li Jishen has a deep insight into the complex situation within the Kuomintang. He analyzed the current situation to Liu Changyi and pointed out that in order to defeat Chiang Kai-shek, it was necessary to unite all forces that could be united, including the Northeast Army, the Northwest Army, the Gui Army, and all the excluded talents.
Li Jishen's words gave Liu Changyi a new perspective. He realized that his current situation, while difficult, was not without a turnaround. Li Jishen advised Liu Changyi to stay where he was, and used his position as deputy commander to secretly instigate an uprising by Chiang Kai-shek's troops. This suggestion gave Liu Changyi hope.
From then on, Liu Changyi began to quietly plan a new way out for himself. On the one hand, he continued to pretend to be a loyal Kuomintang general to avoid arousing suspicion; On the other hand, he began to secretly contact his colleagues in the army who were also dissatisfied with Chiang Kai-shek in preparation for possible future actions.
However, the road has not been easy. The biggest challenge facing Liu Changyi was how to influence and instigate troops without actual military power. He must act cautiously, both to avoid arousing the suspicion of the military commander's agents, and to make his position clear at the right time.
It's a tough game, and the slightest mistake can be a recipe for disaster. But for Liu Changyi, this is also his only way out. At the crossroads of the fate of the country, he must make his own choice.
3. Plotting in secret
In the days after losing military power, Liu Changyi seemed calm on the surface, but in fact there was an undercurrent. He began to secretly plot how to regain de facto command of the troops in preparation for a possible uprising. It's a tough and dangerous game, and you have to be cautious every step of the way.
First of all, Liu Changyi took advantage of his position as deputy commander and began to frequently inspect various units. During these seemingly routine inspections, he skillfully kept in touch with the old ministry and secretly conveyed his intentions. He paid special attention to the middle and low-ranking officers who had made great achievements under him, and who still had respect and loyalty to him.
During an inspection of the 15th Army, Liu Changyi took the opportunity to have secret talks with several old subordinates. He subtly referred to the glorious years of the Anti-Japanese War and evoked their shared memories. He then tactfully expressed concern about the current situation, hinting that their support might be needed. This kind of conversation without a trace lays the groundwork for possible future actions.
At the same time, Liu Changyi also began to look for other possible allies. He noticed that in the Kuomintang army, there were many generals like him who were excluded. Among these people, some are from the Northeast Army, some are from the Northwest Army system, and some are Gui soldiers. Although they came from different backgrounds, they were all dissatisfied with Chiang Kai-shek's arbitrariness.
Liu Changyi skillfully used various social occasions to establish contact with these generals. At a high-level gathering of the army, he had a very pleasant conversation with Wu Zhongxin, the former general of the Northeast Army. Both had experienced the pain of being marginalized by Chiang Kai-shek, and so quickly found a common language. Liu Changyi expressed his thoughts euphemistically, and received a tacit response from Wu Zhongxin.
However, this clandestine liaison is not an easy task. Military commanders are everywhere, and Liu Changyi's every move is under their surveillance. In order to avoid arousing suspicion, Liu Changyi had to resort to various covert means.
Once, under the pretext of inspecting military supplies, Liu Changyi went to a remote armory. There, he deftly shook off the stalker's agent and secretly met with an old ministry. In just a few minutes, the two quickly exchanged information, and then parted as if nothing had happened. This thrilling secret contact has become part of Liu Changyi's daily life.
In addition to looking for support in the military, Liu Changyi also began to pay attention to political trends. He realized that military force alone was not enough, but also political support was needed. In this regard, Li Jishen gave him a lot of help.
As the president of the Senate, Li Jishen has extensive contacts in political circles. He secretly connected Liu Changyi with some politicians who were dissatisfied with Chiang Kai-shek. Some of these people were reformers within the KMT, while others were representatives of other political parties.
At a secret meeting, Liu Changyi had an in-depth conversation with Yu Youren, a veteran of the Kuomintang. Although Yu Youren was a veteran of the Kuomintang, he had always been critical of Chiang Kai-shek's authoritarian style. He expressed his understanding and support for Liu Changyi's ideas and put forward some constructive suggestions.
These political contacts have broadened Liu Changyi's horizons. He realized that to achieve his goals, not only military force was needed, but also broad political support. As a result, he began to conceive a more comprehensive plan.
In this plan, a military uprising was only the first step. More importantly, a new political order should be established quickly after the success of the uprising. To this end, Liu Changyi began to secretly draft a political program, involving military, political, economic and other aspects of reform.
However, as the scheme deepens, so does the risk. Chiang Kai-shek became more and more vigilant about abnormal movements in the army, and began to strengthen the monitoring of suspicious elements. Liu Changyi felt that he was walking on a huge powder keg, and the slightest carelessness could lead to a catastrophe.
Despite this, Liu Changyi still stuck to his plan. He knew that this could be the only chance to change the fate of the country. At this critical juncture, he must seize every possible opportunity to prepare for future operations.
While Liu Changyi was secretly planning, the domestic situation was also changing rapidly. The contradictions between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party became increasingly acute, and the dark clouds of civil war began to loom over the country. This situation has brought both opportunities and new challenges to Liu Changyi. He must find his place in the intricacies of the situation and prepare for the great changes that are coming.
4. Uprisings and Transitions
In October 1948, the civil war between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party had entered a white-hot stage. After a long period of secret planning, Liu Changyi finally waited for the opportunity to act. The Kuomintang army suffered heavy losses one after another in the northeast battlefield, and the overall morale was low. Liu Changyi realized that this was the best time for him to implement his plan.
In the early morning of October 15, Liu Changyi, in his capacity as deputy commander, summoned several senior generals of the 19th Army, claiming to discuss defense issues. However, when the generals entered the conference room, they found themselves surrounded by armed men. Liu Changyi declared an uprising on the spot and quickly took control of the headquarters of the group army.
The success of this operation was due to Liu Changyi's long-term covert layout. He had already installed his cronies in the command, and these people played an important role at the critical moment. At the same time, he was supported by a number of mid- and lower-ranking officers, who quickly took control of various key departments.
Immediately after the news of the uprising broke, there was a split within the 19th Army. Some officers chose to follow Liu Changyi, while others remained on the sidelines. In order to stabilize the situation, Liu Changyi immediately issued a "Declaration of the Uprising", which clarified the causes and goals of the uprising. He pointed out the corruption and incompetence of the Kuomintang government and called on the whole army to work together to fight for the establishment of a new and just regime.
This manifesto had a huge impact in the military. Many officers and soldiers who had been hesitant were moved by Liu Changyi's proposal and expressed their support. By the evening of October 16, most of the units of the 19th Army had declared their response to the uprising.
However, the development of events did not exactly turn out as Liu Changyi expected. When the news of the uprising reached Nanjing, Chiang Kai-shek was furious and immediately ordered the mobilization of surrounding troops to suppress it. At the same time, he also sent envoys to try to break down the internal unity of the rebel army.
Faced with this situation, Liu Changyi took a series of countermeasures. First, he quickly sent small forces to take control of several important towns in the surrounding area, expanding the scope of the uprising. Second, he used secret channels to get in touch with some generals in other regions who were dissatisfied with Chiang Kai-shek's rule to enlist their support.
At the political level, Liu Changyi did not ignore it. He immediately got in touch with Li Jishen and other politicians to seek political support. In his capacity as president of the Senate, Li Jishen publicly issued a statement calling for a peaceful settlement of the military conflict, which undoubtedly gave the rebels a certain amount of political legitimacy.
On 18 October, an unexpected event brought new variables to the situation. One of the divisions of the Kuomintang army suddenly announced a response to the uprising. The commander of this division was Liu Changyi's old subordinates, who fought side by side during the War of Resistance Against Japan. This response greatly strengthened the rebel army and encouraged other hesitant troops.
However, the situation soon changed again. On October 20, elite Kuomintang troops began to assemble in the area where the rebel army was located. Liu Changyi realized that a large-scale military conflict was about to break out. He immediately convened a military meeting to develop a strategy for coping.
At the meeting, it was proposed to immediately seek support from the Communist Party. But Liu Changyi vetoed the suggestion. He believed that if they defected to the Communist Party now, the rebel army would lose its independence and would not be able to achieve its goal of establishing a new regime. He decided to fight independently first and make a decision depending on the situation.
On October 22, the Kuomintang troops launched a large-scale offensive. Relying on the terrain advantage and stubborn will, the rebel army once resisted the enemy's attack. However, as time passed, the disadvantages of the rebels began to emerge. Problems such as insufficient ammunition and supply difficulties are becoming increasingly serious.
Under these circumstances, Liu Changyi had to consider seeking external support. He sent emissaries to contact the Communists and other anti-Chiang forces separately in an attempt to seek cooperation. At the same time, he did not give up the possibility of negotiating with the Kuomintang, hoping to resolve the conflict through political means.
However, the development of the situation is far more complicated than Liu Changyi imagined. The Kuomintang took a hard line and refused to negotiate in any form. The Communist Party, on the other hand, expressed support for the uprising, but was vague about the exact form of cooperation. Although other anti-Chiang forces were willing to cooperate, their strength was limited and it was difficult to provide substantial help.
At the end of October, the situation of the rebels became increasingly difficult. The encirclement of the Kuomintang army has been shrinking, and the effective combat effectiveness of the rebel army has dropped significantly. In this case, Liu Changyi had to make a difficult choice.
After intense internal discussions, Liu Changyi finally decided to cooperate with the Communist Party. On November 1, he officially announced that the rebel army would accept the leadership of the Communist Party and began strategic coordination with the Communist army. This decision marked a new phase in the uprising and brought about a major turning point in Liu's political career.
5. Subsequent fate
After the merger of Liu Changyi's rebel army and the communist army, the situation changed rapidly. With the support of the Communists, the rebel army regained its combat effectiveness and began a counteroffensive against the Kuomintang troops. In mid-November 1948, the rebel army joined forces with communist forces and managed to break through the encirclement of the Kuomintang and achieved a series of victories in the ensuing battles.
For Mr. Liu, however, this is just a new beginning. As a former senior Kuomintang general, his position within the Communist Party was not precarious. Although the Communist Party leaders ostensibly welcomed him, they were in fact highly wary of him.
At the beginning of 1949, with the decisive victory of the Communist Party throughout the country, Liu Changyi was assigned to the North China Military Region as deputy commander. This position may seem noble, but in reality it is deprived of actual command. Mr. Liu soon found himself excluded from important decisions and became a nominal position.
In this situation, Liu Changyi began to try to play his role in other ways. He used his experience and connections in the Kuomintang army to assist the Communist Party in receiving and transforming the former Kuomintang army. In the process, he demonstrated excellent organizational skills and extensive military experience, winning the recognition of some Communist Party cadres.
In 1950, the Korean War broke out. Liu Changyi took the initiative to ask Ying, hoping to participate in this war. However, the communist leaders, out of doubts about his loyalty, rejected his request. Instead, he was assigned to the rear and was responsible for organizing logistical supplies.
Although unable to go to the front line in person, Liu Changyi devoted himself to logistics work. He made use of the experience he had accumulated during his time in the Kuomintang to greatly improve the efficiency of logistical support. In particular, in the area of material transportation and medical aid, he put forward many innovative suggestions and provided strong support for frontline operations.
In 1953, after the end of the Korean War, Liu Changyi was transferred to a military academy to serve as a teacher. In this position, he passed on his many years of military experience to the younger generation of officers. His courses are rich in content, covering both traditional military theory and the new features of modern warfare. Many of the students were full of praise for his teaching.
However, over time, Liu Changyi's situation did not fundamentally improve. At the 1955 ceremony, many generals of his rank were awarded the rank of general, while he was only given the rank of lieutenant general. This result was deeply disappointed by Liu Changyi, who began to realize that he might never be able to truly integrate into the new regime.
In 1957, after the Anti-Rightist Movement began, Liu Changyi's situation became even more difficult. Some people began to dig out some of his words and deeds during the Kuomintang period and criticize him. Although these criticisms did not rise to the political level, they still put a lot of pressure on Liu Changyi.
In order to avoid more trouble, Liu Changyi took the initiative to apply for a second line. He was assigned to a military research institute, specializing in the study of military history. In this relatively quiet environment, Liu Changyi began to review and organize his military career. He wrote a large number of reminiscences and military analysis reports, which provided valuable first-hand information for the study of modern Chinese military history.
In 1966, the Cultural Revolution broke out. As a former senior general of the Kuomintang, Liu Changyi once again became the target of criticism. He was accused of being a "remnant of the Kuomintang" and was subjected to a long period of criticism and quarantine review. During these difficult years, Liu Changyi showed amazing tenacity. He remained calm at all times and patiently explained his position and behavior to his critics.
In 1972, with the thaw in Sino-US relations, the political atmosphere eased somewhat. Liu Changyi was finally rehabilitated and regained his freedom. However, at an advanced age, he has lost the opportunity to return to politics or the military. He chose to continue his study of military history and began to organize his memoirs.
In his later years, Liu Changyi was often invited to participate in important commemorative events, especially those related to the War of Resistance Against Japan. On these occasions, he often looks back on his military career and shares his views on history. Although some of his views are still distinctly personal, his contributions to China's revolutionary cause are widely recognized.
In 1985, Liu Changyi died in Beijing at the age of 89. At his funeral, people from all walks of life paid their respects to him. People have said that Liu Changyi's life has witnessed the vicissitudes of modern Chinese history, and his experience and contributions will always be remembered by history.