shogunate
The Meiji Restoration is well known to everyone, and its nature is now considered by historians to be a revolution, after all, there was bloodshed, there was war, and the old authority was overthrown. However, the fall of the curtain was not the initial pursuit of Japan, the initial pursuit of peace and reform in Japan, which was the self-preservation of the shogunate in a desperate situation - the public-military integration movement.
Council of Senior Shogunate Officials
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="4" ></h1>
In the Tokugawa system, daimyōs were divided into three categories: kinship, lineage, and foreign samples. Kin-domains, who were related to the Tokugawa clan, had high status and large fiefs, but were not of high rank in the shogunate; Ryōdai, the most trusted foreign surname of the Tokugawa clan, could be a high official in the central shogunate, but they had few fiefs and limited actual ability. It was the most distrusted alien force in the shogunate, which was strictly confined to the remote areas of the southwest and had no status, but because the Emperor of Tiangao was far away, they developed the smuggling trade, accumulated strong wealth, and were powerful.
daimyo
Beginning with Perry's knock-off in 1853, the shogunate came under enormous external pressure. When the powerful warships arrived in Tokyo Bay, the shogunate panicked and instructed the negotiators: "Do not lose the national body, but also be cautious." Western colonists forced the shogunate to sign a founding treaty, but the shogunate had no choice but to deal with it and relaxed its jurisdiction over the domestic vassals. It can be said that the arrival of the great powers broke the peace and order of the shogunate for two hundred years.
Perry in the film and television drama
According to the custom, the shogunate formulated a policy, summoned senior central officials, old and middle school, daimefu and others to discuss it, submitted a report, and the shogun stamped a seal. But now in the face of the overall threat of the great powers, this multi-oligarchic decision, because it is harmful to the state, may not be implemented locally. In fact, when Perry wanted japan to be founded, the old Naka Abe Masahiro held a meeting of ministers to discuss, after which Abe received 50 proposals from daimyo who were qualified to give advice to the shogunate, such as kinshin and lineage, of which 34 demanded the rejection of Yoyi, 14 were ambiguous, and 2 were for acceptance.
Japan-U.S. negotiations
Abe weighed the pros and cons, and in order to prevent himself from being burned by accepting the founding of the country, he could only disclose Perry's request and ask for the advice of all the daimyo. Abe's calculation is that the final decision is the result of everyone's discussion together, and everyone has a share in the matter of betrayal, and no one should think of picking it out.
A shogunate official who negotiated with foreigners
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="13" > second, public debut</h1>
Originally, under the Tokugawa system, the Prohibition of The Laws of the Imperial Household stipulated that the Emperor's government could only engage in culture. In 1856, the great powers forced the shogunate to sign a treaty of commerce, and once the treaty was established, Japan would be more strongly affected by the West, and japanese daimyo generally demanded that the treaty be rejected. However, the shogunate knew that it was powerless to resist the great powers, and the great powers also used the Invasion of China by the British and French Coalition Forces as a pretext, saying that after the invasion of China, they would come to invade Japan, or sign a contract in advance.
In order to suppress the uneasy forces, the shogunate hoped that treaties with foreign countries would obtain the emperor's "edict". According to the shogunate's idea, the emperor's house is a decoration, and the shogunate asks him to do whatever he wants, and now it means that the public family should agree to the treaty according to the requirements of the shogunate, and the public does not dare to disagree. But I did not expect that the public family, which had been silent for a hundred years, suddenly became brave and resolutely did not betray the country. To this end, one of the shogunate's prime ministers, Horita Masamune, personally went to Kyoto to lobby, and as a result, the public government put up a shelf, and horita's entry into the capital was widely publicized by the public as if the shogunate had surrendered to the imperial court. The imperial court resembled the shogunate's superior.
In this way, the emperor's government, which had been swept into the historical garbage heap by the Tokugawa family, was carried back by the Tokugawa family. In addition to the Tokugawa shogunate, the two forces of the powerful domain and the public family also entered the political arena.
Kyoto
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="18" > the question of general succession, a knife handed to the strong clan and the public</h1>
The incident of Horita Shangluo (i.e., Upper Kyoto) exposed the lack of authority of the shogunate. The foreign daimyo and the public, who had been suppressed for hundreds of years, rediscovered their importance and began to fight for a greater say in foreign affairs and internal affairs.
At this time, the shogunate was leaking and was hit by overnight rain, and in early 1858, the thirteenth shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu was critically ill. Who would succeed the new shogun became a big issue within the shogunate. For this reason, within the shogunate, people who adhered to the feudal system of the old shogunate, with Naohiro I, as the leader, advocated supporting the Establishment of kii clan Keifuku for the sake of the "Southern Kiki school"; those who accepted some knowledge from the West and advocated the founding of the country and the unification of the whole country embraced Kiki, who were led by Tokugawa Kisaki, the lord of the Mito Domain (Kisaki himself was also a shogun, but only joined the camp of these people in order to make his son Keiki a shogun), and they were called "Ichibashi faction".
A bridge is celebrated
Around the issue of succession to the general, the two factions are openly fighting and secretly fighting, while at the same time co-opting other forces and strengthening themselves. The Nanki faction represented the interests of the pro-clan and the lineage, so it was supported by a wide range of vested interests; while the Hitotsubashi faction hooked up with the Satsuma clan and other powerful clans in Kyushu (represented by Satsuma, as mentioned earlier, they had no power under the old shogunate system, but they were able to develop smuggling trade and actually accumulated a lot of wealth) and the imperial court without power and authority, in order to gain the support of these two forces, the Ichibashi faction promised to carry out institutional reform, to integrate the public and military forces, and the shogunate was no longer dictatorial, but to absorb strong clans and public secretaries, participate in shogunate, and reform Japan. Such a public-military combination first appeared prototype.
Supports the Satsuma domain of the combined public and military forces
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="24" > fourth, the takeover of the Southern Ji school</h1>
In April 1858, the leader of the Nangi faction, I-Naohiro, received the title of Daimyō, which was the highest title of the shogunate and was generally not established. In July, while his family was paralyzed in bed waiting for death, Jing Yi did not wait for the imperial court to approve it, and signed a "treaty of trade". In August, Jia Ding died, and the imperial court issued the "Secret Edict of Peng Wu", condemning Jing Yi for betraying the country and ignoring the imperial court, saying that it would exclude Jing Yi, implying that Qingxi was the new general. However, after the overall planning of the shogunate's actual ruler, Ōroi Iei, Keifuku still became a general of the fourteenth generation, and the angry Ichibashi faction united with Ichibashi, Koto, Big V, Keyboard Man, And Wumao, etc., so that they could curse Ioi for betraying the country and encourage the people of the whole country to oppose Ioi.
In this regard, the big old Jing Yi no longer softened his heart, directly resorted to force, and began the Anzheng Prison, killing all the dissident voices and keyboards. Jing Yi was finally retaliated against by the angry youths and was assassinated to death.
Naoaki Ii
After the Anzheng Prison, the contradictions between the shogunate and the imperial court and the strong domain expanded, which was not conducive to the rule of the new shogun, so in order to flaunt the beginning of the people, the new shogunate appointed the relatively kind Ando Nobumasa as the chief senior, and Ando promoted the public-military integration movement advocated by the Ichibashi faction in order to draw the opposition into the shogunate and control it.
In fact, since horita Kamigami, the Kyoto imperial court has also split, and some of them have agreed with the Ichibashi faction's public-military ensemble, advocating that the emperor come to the world without taking power, and set up a council of princes with the shogun as the chief to convene the talents of the world, which has the old daimyo, the secretary of state, and the talents recommended by the various clans, which is very similar to the parliament under the constitutional monarchy. The other part of the population turned to the anti-curtain, represented by Sanjo Shimi.
Sanjo is really beautiful
In 1860, Ando actively promoted the marriage of Emperor Takamitsu's sister and Miyashita to a shogun. On the side of the gong family, Takaaki was not an anti-shogunate person, and he also agreed with the public-military combination, so he agreed. In early 1862, Wamiya married into Edo. At the beginning of 1863, Shogun Keifuku (renamed Iemo) went to Lobai to worship the Emperor, so that the Gongwu Ensemble was established in form, and then the Shogun accompanied the Emperor to the Kamo Shrine to pray for blessings, and the Gongwu Ensemble movement reached its extreme. Before the shogun Shangluo, more than 70 powerful daimyo had entered Kyoto, waiting for a meeting of the princes headed by the shogun to discuss the redistribution of power, which also meant that Kyoto was the center of power.
and palace
In August of that year, Emperor Takamitsu, who thought that the gongwu had been united and that Japan was unprecedentedly united, instructed his subordinates to expel the anti-shogunate elements, mainly matsudaira Ryōho (Tokugawa clan and Kyoto guardianship) and Yodo domain lord Inaba Masamune (Tokugawa Lineage, Kyoto Shodai), relying on the powerful samurai of Satsuma, to launch the 8.18 coup d'état, capturing some of the die-hard anti-shoguns, and Sanjo Shimi and other secretaries of state fled to Choshu. After that, the Kyoto imperial court was occupied by the Gongwu faction, and the shogunate won a brief glory.
Satsuma clan soldiers
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="35" > Wen Shijun said</h1>
It is said that the preparation of the Constitution by the Imperial Cabinet of the Qing Dynasty is a deceptive trick, but when it is put on the Japanese public and military integration, it is not the case. After 1863, the Council of The Princes was indeed convened, and the public and military forces were also integrated, but the Council of the Princes spoke on strength and support. In the Council of The Princes, the shogunate was the largest powerful domain, and most of the people who could participate in the meeting were the shogunate's relatives and lineages, but in fact they still obeyed the shogunate. Satsuma and a few other foreign daimyo participated in the Council of Princes, but their wishes were difficult to agree with, so in fact it was still the shogunate dictatorship. In order to change the status of this vase, Satsuma also gradually joined the anti-curtain camp. But after the success of the counter-curtain, didn't Satsuma still monopolize the power with Choshu and exclude dissidents?
< h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="37" > references</h1>
Junnosuke Seimi: A Political History of Japan, The Commercial Press, 1997.
Nobuo Seizaburo: The History of Japanese Politics, Nankosha, 1976.
(Author: Haoran Wenshi Purple Orange)
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