Ji Dengkui, who was born in 1923, was a native of Wuxiang County, Shanxi Province, and he and Marshal Xu Xiangqian were fellow villagers in the same province. Ji Dengkui was born at a time when the old society on the mainland was at its darkest time, when various evil forces on the mainland were on the rise and the people were living in dire straits. In order to change this situation, Ji Dengkui left his hometown at the age of 14 and joined the revolution instead.
As a revolutionary veteran who had experienced the baptism of war, Ji Dengkui had a firm personality and was extremely talented, and soon after participating in the revolution, Ji Dengkui was exceptionally promoted to the chairman of the Youth Salvation Association in Heshun County, Shanxi Province because of his outstanding performance. At that time, Shanxi was at the forefront of the anti-Japanese resistance, and although Ji Dengkui was young, he resolutely devoted himself to the anti-Japanese movement.
In 1942, Ji Dengkui, who was only 19 years old, was sent to Shandong to serve as the head of the Organization Department of the Luxi District Youth National Salvation Association. In order to alleviate the pressure on the base areas, Ji Dengkui first organized cadres to go to the masses to understand the most real living conditions of the people, and then led the peasants to wage a struggle against the landlords in a-for-tat manner, distributing part of the grain collected from the landlords to the poor peasants, and using part of it as public support for the front-line soldiers to resist Japan.
In addition to supporting front-line food, Ji Dengkui also paid great attention to cultivating and discovering talents in Juancheng and other places. With the continuous expansion of the Hebei-Shandong-Henan base areas, Ji Dengkui gradually noticed the importance of cultivating activists to join the party; while organizing revolutionary forces in the rural areas, he also promoted a number of rural cadres to join the party.
In the autumn of 1942, the situation of the struggle in the anti-Japanese base areas in northern Hubei was very grim, and the Japanese puppet army continued to encroach on our central area, sweeping large and small areas very frequently, the drought was serious, and the military and civilian food encountered great difficulties. In particular, the policy of reducing rents and interest rates has not been conscientiously implemented, and the broad masses of peasants have not really mobilized themselves, which has seriously affected the consolidation and development of the base areas.
In order to reverse this difficult situation, the Juancheng County CPC Committee decided to resolutely implement the instructions of the party committee in the border areas, tighten the organs, transfer a large number of cadres, go down to the front line in the rural areas, and unleash the masses to carry out the struggle for democracy and people's livelihood. Fighting the battle of democracy and people's livelihood is not only vital to the life and death of the Juanbei base area, but also to defending the central area of the Hebei-Shandong-Henan border region and smashing the encroachment policy of the Japanese invaders.
It was at this time that Ji Dengkui came to Juanbei.
The struggle for democracy and people's livelihood in the old city
Ji Dengkui was formerly the deputy director of the Organization Department of the Youth Rescue Association of the Hebei-Shandong-Henan Border District, and after the establishment of the Anti-Japanese Federation, he was transferred to the Organization Minister of the Anti-Japanese Federation Branch of the Second Division. After arriving in Juancheng, he joined the county party committee and participated in the leadership of the county's democratic and people's livelihood movement. The old city of Juanbei is the place where Ji Dengkui has worked the longest and has the greatest influence.
At that time, Ji Dengkui was about twenty years old, of medium stature, plain in clothing, dignified in manners, sincere and amiable. When it comes to work, he has quick thinking, skillful policies, thorough analysis of problems, vivid and powerful language, and has strong appeal and persuasiveness.
In the spring of 1943, a working group led by Ji Dengkui, including Chen Dongsheng, director of the County Anti-Japanese Federation, Yan Yingrui, secretary of the Sixth District Party Committee, and comrades Xin Xiaocun and Liming were stationed in the old city.
Taking the old city as the focus of the county's democratic and people's livelihood operation is Ji Dengkui's careful choice. The old city is a large market town with more than 800 households and a population of more than 3,000, and once the masses are mobilized, they can play a role in promoting the operation of democracy and people's livelihood in the entire Juanbei. At the same time, the old city is located on the western border of the Juanbei base area, and is the frontier area of the struggle against the enemy, and after the masses are mobilized, they can effectively support the struggle against the enemy in the villages around Xiliulou, Qilimiao, Zhouqiao, and Yangtun on the joint defense front. This is of great significance for consolidating the western barrier of the Juanbei base area, striking back at the enemy's attack, and then pushing the militia defense line southward.
At the beginning of the working group's entry into the village, Ji Dengkui stressed the need to seriously investigate and study, proceed from reality, and correctly decide on the tactics of struggle. He personally talked to people, held many forums, mastered a large amount of materials, and conducted meticulous analysis and research. Ji Dengkui learned that the old city had many people and little land, many poor peasants, tenants, and few hired workers; The poor peasants are eager to turn over, while the tenants and hired workers are more worried; The front desk of the village government is mostly "street sticks", while the background is mostly landlord bullies. For a long time, the village's accounts were not clear, and the masses were very dissatisfied.
The special situation in the old city made Ji Dengkui decide to start with the fight against corruption and bullies, and at an appropriate time combined with rent and interest reductions, so as to quickly mobilize the masses and form a mighty peasant revolutionary army, so as to avoid the situation in which only a small number of tenants and hired workers were mobilized to reduce rents and interest rates in the past, and they were trapped in a situation of fighting alone. After the initial victory in the struggle against corruption and bullies, the struggle to reduce rents and interest rates was immediately launched, and at this time, the class consciousness of the tenants and hired workers was greatly enhanced, and with the support of the peasant associations, they were emboldened, and they were justifiably liquidated against the landlords and rich peasants, and no one from the landlords and rich peasants dared to resist or engage in the tricks of overt and covert reduction. As soon as the struggle to reduce rents and interest rates was launched, the old city was like a bamboo, and a complete victory was won in a short period of time. The practice of subsequent struggles proved that Ji Dengkui's decision was completely correct.
With regard to mobilizing the masses to organize the ranks of the peasant class, Ji Dengkui stressed the need to mobilize from the bottom up, changing the work methods adopted in some localities in the past by top-down, administrative orders, and substitution. He himself took the lead in setting an example, visiting the poor and asking about the suffering. In Jiqian Street in the old city, Ji Dengkui discovered and cultivated a group of activists such as Ren Jinyu, Zhang Junshan, Chang Bangcai, and Xiao Jinjia, and mobilized other peasant masses through them. In this way, the peasant contingent snowballed rapidly, and at the beginning, a number of peasant groups were set up, and when the conditions were ripe, peasant associations were openly formed.
In the process of mobilizing and organizing the masses, Ji Dengkui always grasped the main link of class education, and used visits to the poor, meetings to complain about grievances, and exposing the facts of exploitation and oppression of the masses by landlords and bullies, so as to enlighten the class consciousness of the masses and enhance their consciousness in rising up for struggle. At the same time, he also attached great importance to maintaining the purity of the ranks of the peasant class: he led the masses to thoroughly expose the conspiracy of the fake peasant directors and purge them from the peasant associations; Later, when it was discovered that a new peasant union cadre was secretly colluding with the landlords, he took resolute measures to lead the masses to expose and criticize his serious wrongdoings, and removed him from his leadership post on the spot. Under the leadership of Ji Dengkui, the ranks of the peasant class in the old city were purified and their combat effectiveness was improved.
Ji Dengkui attached great importance to educating the masses on the party's policies, and he repeatedly explained the party's policies on the anti-Japanese national united front. He pointed out that it is necessary to adhere to the principle of uniting the progressive forces, winning over the middle forces, and dividing and isolating the stubborn forces; It is emphasized that in the course of struggle, it is necessary to grasp a reasonable, advantageous, and restrained strategy; In the course of the struggle, it is necessary to lay out facts and reason, not to beat or scold people, not to be too wide in the scope of the attack, and not to fight and punish the law-abiding small and medium-sized landlords and rich peasants indiscriminately; After the targets of struggle bow their heads and admit their guilt and accept punishment, they should also have a way out and strive for them to resist Japan. He personally talked to law-abiding landlords and middle- and upper-class figures, and did the work of trying to unite them, and received good results.
In leading the masses in carrying out struggles, Ji Dengkui displayed superb leadership art, and he stressed the need to let go of the masses to rise up and struggle on their own, let the backbone elements organize and command, and let the masses go into battle to reason and struggle. And he himself never made an appearance at the congress of the struggle. He worked hard in advance to make preparations, and if he fought hard, he would win, but he was not afraid of defeat, and once the struggle was frustrated, he guided the masses to sum up lessons and lessons, regroup their strength, and fight again.
He was good at grasping the fighter plane, and as soon as the conditions were ripe, he quickly mobilized the masses and set off an upsurge of struggle. Since the situation in Qianjie developed the fastest, the struggle began in Qianjie, and after holding a complaint meeting and demonstration, the peasant association came forward to check the accounts with the old village chief, and found that the accounts were full of loopholes, so they traced down the landlords in charge of the accounts. After some struggle, he finally bowed his head and pleaded guilty and accepted the fine of grain. Then, the struggle in the back street and the east street also unfolded one after another. Some of the former village chiefs and bookkeepers who had committed illegal acts were duly punished. After the initial victory of the struggle in the streets, they united and established the Old City General Peasant Association to lead the struggle of the whole village in a unified manner. Just as the mass struggle was initially unfolding, one night, two grenades suddenly exploded in Sun's yard, and it was later found that Sun's wife was the ghost. Sun's wife usually colludes with bad guys and does a lot of evil, and the masses hate her to the core, calling her a "female overlord". In the midst of the mass movement, she was so frightened that she colluded with the bad guys and created a grenade explosion to threaten the crowd and try to scare the working group away. She was exposed by the masses and was exposed to her true form, and a large-scale joint struggle meeting was convened under the auspices of the peasant association, and the government sentenced her to death in accordance with the law at the strong demand of the masses.
Soon after, another horrific incident occurred. One night, in the threshing floor of the landlord Gao, a tenant was brutally killed, and after the masses exposed and the public security personnel investigated, it was found that the main culprit of the murder was the landlord Gao. It turned out that when the rent was reduced, Gao Mouqiang asked the tenant to secretly return the grain that had been divided to him, but the tenant refused, and Gao held a grudge. Later, Gao molested the tenant's sister again, and the tenant was furious and threatened to settle accounts with Gao, but Gao took the lead and teamed up with his cousin to kill the tenant at night.
After the case was discovered, the crowd was excited, and a joint struggle meeting of several thousand people was held to expose and accuse Gao of his brutal crimes, and at the unanimous demand of the masses, the government executed him in accordance with the law.
After many large and small struggles, the prestige of the peasant associations was greatly shaken, and the people's mental outlook and social atmosphere were also greatly improved. As soon as the poor peasants changed their mental state of inferiority and self-abandonment, the broad masses of middle peasants also quickly changed their wait-and-see attitude and actively moved closer to the peasant associations; some "street bastards" who used to run errands for the landlords also repeatedly approached the cadres of the peasant associations to apologize and ask them to be allowed to join the peasant associations. At this time, the landlords and rich peasant elements were very nervous, and when the working group first entered the village, they did not care; they saw that Ji Dengkui was young and contemptuously called him a correspondent, and when they saw Chen Dongsheng's clothes were shabby, they called him an "old man" and threatened: "How many big officials have come in the past, but they have not been able to damage a single hair of our hair, what can a correspondent, an old man do?" "After several big struggles, they were like lightning strikes, and they were panicked. They began to buy off activists, some scattered their property, and some fled. After some educational work, there was a rapid division among them, some of them bowed their heads and confessed their guilt, and resigned themselves to punishment; Some said that they would be law-abiding, support the government, and contribute to the anti-Japanese resistance.
Ji Dengkui attaches great importance to the integration of key village work with general village work. Driven by the wave of peasant struggle in the old city, the poor peasants in the surrounding villages quickly woke up, and some took the initiative to find the working group or the cadres of the old city peasant associations, asking for help to organize the struggle. At this time, Ji Dengkui decided to use the method of "sending out and inviting in" to mobilize the peasants in the surrounding villages to rise up and fight. On many occasions, he sent cadres and activists of the peasant associations in the old city to mobilize the poor peasants in Beiguan, Laozhaizhuang, Niezhuang, Zhaozhuang and other villages. Activists from the surrounding villages were invited to come to the old city to participate in some of the activities of the peasant association, which later developed into joint demonstrations and joint struggles, so that the movement for democracy and people's livelihood developed from one point to another. In the villages surrounding the Old Town Market, the tide of struggle rises one after another. At one time, a good situation of rallies and struggles in villages and villages was formed. Every night, you can hear the bells and whistles of the assembly and the majestic revolutionary songs and slogans from all directions. At the congress of struggle, the hatred of the exploited and oppressed peasant masses, which had been buried in their hearts for a long time, erupted like a volcano. The feudal rule was destroyed, the stubborn forces were dealt a heavy blow, and in just two or three months, the struggle for democracy and people's livelihood in the old city and its surrounding villages won a decisive victory.
Ji Dengkui reformed the village regime
In the course of the in-depth development of the struggle for democracy and people's livelihood, Ji Dengkui promptly stepped up the work of building the party, building the government, and establishing various mass organizations.
After a fierce struggle, a number of poor and middle-class peasant activists with high political consciousness, good moral character, strong work ability, and support by the broad masses have emerged, thus laying a good foundation for the work of party building. Ji Dengkui personally presided over and made specific arrangements for the work of party building. After in-depth and meticulous work, a number of party members were developed, and party branches were established in various streets, and then the general party branch of the whole village was established. Once established, the party organization soon became the leading core of the mass struggle in the whole village.
After the collapse of the village political power controlled by the landlords and bullies, a situation in which "all rights belong to the peasant associations" was formed, but this was after all a transitional state; after some ideological and organizational preparations, Ji Dengkui promptly stepped up the work of reforming the village political power, he repeatedly explained to the masses the importance of reforming the village political power, he helped the masses to inspect and find cadres of the village political power, and in accordance with the principle of democratic centralism, elected the chief and deputy village heads and village political committees, and set up civil affairs, finance, culture, education, and public security departments. Since then, the power of village administration has truly been in the hands of the people.
The victory of the struggle for democracy and people's livelihood in the old city has had a great impact and a powerful impetus to the mass movement in the whole of Juanbei. Echoing the struggle in the old city, struggles in key villages in other districts, such as Yang's hometown and Yanghekou, were also launched one after another. The focus is on driving the general, from the point to the surface, and the fire of the struggle for democracy and people's livelihood has swept through the entire Juanbei with the momentum of burning the prairies.
In 1943, Wan Li, secretary of the prefectural party committee, personally came to the old city, and he listened carefully to the reports of Ji Dengkui and other comrades, and he fully affirmed the achievements and experience of the struggle for democracy and people's livelihood in the old city. The mass movement of the struggle for democracy and people's livelihood in Juanbei was appreciated by the leading organs of the border region, and it was held that Ji Dengkui had made outstanding achievements in his work in Juanbei and provided new experience for the movement of the struggle for democracy and people's livelihood in the border region.
In the autumn of 1943, Ji Dengkui was transferred out of Juanbei.
During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he successively served as a member of the Jindong Youth National Salvation Association and chairman of the Heshun County Youth Salvation Association, the head of the Organization Department of the Luxi District Youth Salvation Association, the director and deputy director of the Organization Department of the Second Prefectural Committee of the Hebei-Shandong-Henan Anti-Japanese Federation, and the member of the First Prefectural Committee of the Communist Party of China in Hebei-Luyu District and the head of the Democracy Movement Department. Participate in the mobilization and organization of young people to participate in the anti-Japanese armed and front-line work, and participate in the anti-Japanese guerrilla war behind enemy lines.
During the War of Liberation, he successively served as the head of the Party School Group of the CPC Hebei-Shandong-Henan District Party Committee, the secretary of the Working Group of the CPC West Henan District Party Committee and the deputy secretary and secretary of the Lushan County Party Committee, the deputy secretary of the Working Committee of the CPC Funiu Mountain Bandit Suppression Headquarters, and the deputy secretary of the Xuchang Prefectural Committee of the CPC and the head of the Propaganda Department. Participated in and led the local land reform and the struggle against bandits and hegemony.
After the founding of the People's Republic of China, he successively served as Secretary of the CPC Henan Xuchang Prefectural Committee and Political Commissar of the Xuchang Military Sub-district, Secretary of the Party Committee and Director of the CPC Luoyang Mining Machinery Factory, First Secretary of the CPC Luoyang Prefectural Committee, and Standing Committee, Alternate Secretary and Secretary-General of the CPC Henan Provincial Committee.
In 1963, he was also the first secretary of the Shangqiu Prefectural Committee of the Communist Party of China.
Since 1968, he has successively served as deputy director of the Henan Provincial Revolutionary Committee and secretary of the Henan Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China.
In 1969, he was elected as a member of the Central Committee at the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and an alternate member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee at the First Plenary Session of the Ninth Central Committee. In 1971, he concurrently served as the first political commissar of the Beijing Military Region. Since then, he has been elected as a member of the 10th and 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. In 1980, he resigned and was dismissed from leading positions in the party and state. In 1983, he became a researcher at the Rural Development Research Center of the State Council.
In 1982, the central government arranged for Ji Dengkui to go to the Rural Development Research Center of the State Council to do rural policy research work, and appointed him a "ministerial-level researcher", and in that position, Ji Dengkui also became the highest-ranking researcher.

At that time, Ji Dengkui moved to a courtyard on the Street of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, where Hua Guofeng had lived in the past, and for Ji Dengkui, this courtyard was also very spacious.
He also has a special car and is equipped with a full-time driver, which is very convenient when going out.
During that time, Ji Dengkui also encountered an "accident".
Once, Ji Dengkui suddenly wanted to go to a relative's house in Xuanwu District to have a look, so he didn't notify the driver, and took a bus to go.
As a result, as soon as he arrived at the mouth of the alley of his relative's house, he met a young man riding an express bicycle and knocked him down at once, but the young man also took responsibility and quickly sent Ji Dengkui to Beijing Hospital for treatment.

Later, the young man was also frightened when he heard that he had knocked down Ji Dengkui, but fortunately it was Ji Dengkui who relieved the young man and let him leave.
Before the doctor put a plaster cast on Ji Dengkui, Ji Dengkui was in a hurry to go to Sichuan to conduct research, and the plaster on his arm was still there when he left, and he went to Chengdu and Chongqing successively, and it took more than a month, and the condition of his arm improved after he came back.
If he leaves Beijing to go to other places, then he needs to take a train, once, when he left Beijing to go out, the State Council Administration arranged a soft sleeper box for him, which is also the treatment of the minister-level, according to the relevant regulations, ministerial-level officials can live in a soft sleeper box alone, which is equivalent to four soft sleeper tickets.
At the same time, the entourage can also have two people sitting in the soft sleeper together, and only need to buy two soft sleeper tickets.
In other words, when Ji Dengkui goes out, he can be reimbursed for 6 tickets, that is, one and a half boxes.
However, Ji Dengkui is very economical and is willing to live in a box with him, so that he only needs to use 4 tickets, and he does not need to buy tickets for other staff, and he can reimburse the money for 4 tickets when reimbursement.
If Ji Dengkui goes to the province outside, Beijing generally does not send guards, and after arriving at the locality, the province will generally arrange guards, which is also taking into account Ji Dengkui's past position.
In his daily life, daily necessities will also enjoy "special supplies", mainly food.

In terms of medical treatment, Ji Dengkui's medical relationship is still in Beijing hospitals, no different from the past, and the Ministry of Health will also directly settle medical expenses for him.
By the mid-80s, the mainland began to implement a retirement system for leading cadres, which basically kept the political treatment unchanged and the living conditions were favorable.
On the whole, Ji Dengkui's later years have always enjoyed the treatment within the ministerial level.
However, in his later years, Ji Dengkui basically read books and newspapers, ate and sleeped, and occasionally played with his grandsons and grandchildren.
He reads newspapers and periodicals such as People's Daily, Economic Daily, and Beijing Daily every day, and he has no special hobbies.
The family was afraid that he would be bored, so they set up a table tennis table for him, and also equipped him with a badminton and racket, but he was not particularly interested in these.
When he was tired of reading books and newspapers, he would take a walk in the yard, and if he felt that the yard was dirty, he would take the initiative to pick up a broom to clean it, and often help the people in the house to clean up the house, and often burn the boiler by himself.
When Ji Dengkui was 65 years old, a friend went to his home for an interview, and Ji Dengkui also revealed his long-cherished wish in his later years.
At that time, when answering the question of "wish", Ji Dengkui said almost without thinking: "Teaching and writing." ”
According to him, he wanted to write down his past experiences and the lessons learned from them, leaving a history.
Indeed, judging from Ji Dengkui's life experience, he has also experienced many important events in the history of New China, but unfortunately, his wish was not realized in the end.
As for teaching, Ji Dengkui mainly wants to teach political economy in universities, and he can also expound some basic theories in light of the actual situation, and he feels that he still has some say in this regard.
In June 1988, Ji Dengkui was hospitalized in Beijing Hospital for pneumonia and was soon discharged.
A month later, he was still recuperating at home, and suddenly felt a little pain in his stomach, and his family didn't care at the time, thinking it was because of dinner.
Ji Dengkui himself also had diarrhea, and thought it was an old problem, so he went for a walk in the yard and slept normally at night.
At night, Ji Dengkui suddenly called his wife, saying that his stomach hurt badly, and his wife immediately wanted to find a driver to take Ji Dengkui to the hospital, but Ji Dengkui stopped his wife at that time, thinking that it was too late at night.
The children at home still called the State Council Administration, and the car came more than ten minutes later, and Ji Dengkui took the car to the hospital.
At that time, no one expected that Ji Dengkui's sudden illness was very serious, and he fainted after he got on the operating table, and he couldn't get up again.
After Ji Dengkui's death, the party and the state held a grand farewell ceremony for his body, and many central leaders came to the scene to bid Ji Dengkui their final farewell.
Among the cadres who were valued by Chairman Mao in his later years, Ji Dengkui was one, he was 30 years younger than Chairman Mao, but Chairman Mao called him an "old friend", nominated by Chairman Mao at the Ninth National Congress, Ji Dengkui was elected as an alternate member of the Politburo, and became a deputy state-level cadre, why did Chairman Mao value him so much?
This has to start with Ji Dengkui's first meeting with Chairman Mao, the first time he met, Chairman Mao asked him three "tricky" questions "mercilessly", as if he was inspecting Ji Dengkui, so how did he answer? What was Chairman Mao's reaction when he heard the answer?
Ji Dengkui is a native of Wuxiang County, Shanxi, born in March 1923, 30 years younger than Chairman Mao, belonging to two generations, but Ji Dengkui was very young when he participated in the revolution, he participated in revolutionary work at the age of fourteen or fifteen, and joined the Communist Party in April 1938, which shows that Ji Dengkui's personal ability is relatively strong.
As far as his peers are concerned, Ji Dengkui can be said to be an outstanding person; after the founding of New China, the 267-year-old Ji Dengkui became deputy secretary of the Xuchang Prefectural Party Committee and head of the Propaganda Department.
In 1951, Chairman Mao went south to inspect, and stopped when passing through Xuchang, to find local comrades to understand the economic and cultural construction, the superiors decided to let Ji Dengkui go to report to Chairman Mao, on the one hand, he had outstanding work achievements, on the other hand, he was in charge of propaganda work, and he had a better understanding of the actual situation.
This is the first time Ji Dengkui saw Chairman Mao, he was both excited and nervous, he walked on Chairman Mao's special train under the guidance of the staff, Ji Dengkui saw Chairman Mao after he took the initiative to introduce himself, said: "Chairman, I am Ji Dengkui, responsible for local propaganda work. ”
Chairman Mao looked at Ji Dengkui and said; "Are you 30 years old this year?" Ji Dengkui replied: "It's almost there, 28 years old this year!" After hearing this, Chairman Mao felt that Ji Dengkui was young, so he praised him for his strong work ability, but Chairman Mao immediately asked a rather "tricky question".
Chairman Mao said: "Have you been corrupt at work? This question not only surprised Ji Dengkui, but even the staff around Chairman Mao were a little surprised, Chairman Mao had never asked a person like this, Ji Dengkui replied after coming back to his senses: "Chairman, I am not corrupt, I am not that kind of person, and I don't do that kind of thing." ”
Chairman Mao saw Ji Dengkui's calm demeanor when he answered the question, and then asked a more "tricky" question, Chairman Mao said: "Have you criticized others?" This is a problem at work, and Ji Dengkui admitted that he criticized others in his work when he was engaged in land reform.
Ji Dengkui replied very briskly, Chairman Mao seemed to be very satisfied, picked up the teacup and took a sip of water, and then asked a more "exciting" and "tricky" question, "Have you ever killed someone?" Ji Dengkui did not lead the troops, this question was difficult for him to answer, but Ji Dengkui still answered.
Ji Dengkui said: "I have killed people, I have killed people when I suppressed bandits and suppressed counter-revolution. Chairman Mao sighed after listening to it, it seemed that he was dissatisfied with Ji Dengkui's work, and after listening to the work report, Chairman Mao left Xuchang without saying anything.
However, Chairman Mao remembered the name "Ji Dengkui", in 1953, Chairman Mao went to Henan again to inspect, and named to listen to Ji Dengkui's report on work, which shows that Chairman Mao raised three questions before, Ji Dengkui's answer was satisfactory to Chairman Mao.
In fact, carefully taste Chairman Mao's question and Ji Dengkui's answer, these three questions are really difficult to answer, and I don't know what Chairman Mao wants to investigate, but Ji Dengkui's answer is realistic, that is to say, Ji Dengkui is a person who dares to tell the truth, and Chairman Mao takes a fancy to him It is this point.
I have to say that Ji Dengkui's answer can be called a textbook level, "seeking truth from facts" is the foundation of doing things and being a man, Chairman Mao understood him through questions, and later facts proved that Ji Dengkui did not live up to Chairman Mao's expectations, and his position became higher and higher.
In 1951, when Chairman Mao was touring the south, he accidentally found a good comrade who was down-to-earth and hardworking, and after returning to Beijing, the chairman immediately instructed the Central Organization Department to focus on the training of the comrade, and this person took the "fast train" of promotion, and soon was promoted from a grassroots cadre to a senior national cadre, and he was Ji Dengkui.
Ji Dengkui participated in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the War of Liberation, and made outstanding achievements in party building and democracy movements, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, he was appointed in a certain place, and in 1951, by chance, he unexpectedly met Chairman Mao. When the chairman first saw Ji Dengkui, he felt that he was very unusual, and later the chairman tentatively asked a few questions about people's livelihood, and he answered them fluently without any hesitation. This made the chairman more and more interested in him, and soon after, at the invitation of Chairman Mao, he went to Beijing to attend the Central Propaganda Conference, where the chairman called him by name and affectionately called him "old friend".
Soon, Ji Dengkui became famous, his career became smoother, and he was soon promoted to the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, and in 1970, he was transferred to the State Council, and after the "913 Incident", he was concurrently the political commissar of the Beijing Military Region and a member of the Politburo, holding huge power in his hands. But Ji Dengkui did not have an arrogant heart because of this, he has always maintained a humble attitude, has always been cautious in words and deeds, in life, he will be simple to the end, never special.
For example, when he was on a business trip, the railway department would prepare a 4-berth box for him to live alone, while the secretary and security guard who followed him would be assigned to live in the next box. But he felt that this was too wasteful, so he simply let the secretary and the guard live in a box with him, so that he could save a box. After arriving at the place, he never participated in the reception banquet, insisted on three dishes and one soup for each meal, and paid the food fee on time, never taking advantage of the public.
After Lin Biao suffered an accident, Chairman Mao had to turn to find another successor, and at this time, someone recommended Ji Dengkui. Ji is an old revolutionary, his qualifications are no problem at all, his ability is also very outstanding, his conduct is even better, and he can hardly find any shortcomings. Chairman Mao therefore moved his mind and began to investigate Ji Dengkui, no one expected that at such a critical moment, Ji actually made a fatal mistake, which directly led Chairman Mao to give him up.
In 1973, when the review of Huang Yongsheng and others had been declared over, Ji Dengkui, as the head of the review team, was ordered to report the relevant situation to the chairman, during which he suggested to the chairman that Huang Yongsheng and others had meritorious service, and that the punishment should be appropriately reduced, dismissed from public office, and the honor should be withdrawn, and the party membership could be retained. After Chairman Mao heard the news, he bluntly said that he was still quite naïve in politics, and he actually had compassion, which should never be done. The chairman believed that if Ji Dengkui seized the power of the state in the future, he would inevitably make mistakes because of his character weakness, so he dispelled the idea of appointing him as his successor.
In 1976, Comrade Hua Guofeng suddenly found him and asked him what he thought of the "Gang of Four", Ji Dengkui unabashedly expressed his disgust for Wang Hongwen and others, and later, when Comrade Hua Guofeng proposed to "clean up" Wang Hongwen and others, Ji Dengkui raised his hands in favor. In early October of that year, Comrade Hua Guofeng successively ensnared the "Gang of Four" in Zhongnanhai, and Ji Dengkui, in accordance with the prior arrangement, worked with the officers and men of the garrison to sweep away the henchmen of the "Gang of Four" and at the same time took control of all major organs and units. In the early morning of the same day, the Politburo held an emergency meeting, and Ye Shuai proposed that Comrade Hua Guofeng be temporarily in charge of state affairs, and Ji Dengkui agreed with both hands on this move.
Time came to 1980, Ji Dengkui, who was over fifty years old, took the initiative to resign, Deng Gong learned of this, immediately interviewed Ji Dengkui, Deng Gong said that he was still very young, he could stay in the central government to do some work within his ability, so he was transferred to the cultural and historical research department, and enjoyed the treatment of the provincial and ministerial level. Ji Dengkui is very grateful for Deng Gong's trust, he worked diligently in the research department, was strict with himself from beginning to end, adhered to the bottom line and integrity, and never engaged in special.
In 1988, Ji Dengkui suddenly suffered from a heart attack and was forced to quit his job and be admitted to the hospital for recuperation. In order to save him, the doctor tried many methods, but the effect was unsatisfactory, and in mid-July of that year, he unfortunately passed away at the age of 65. Ji Dengkui's son inherited his will, and also devoted himself to the revolutionary cause, mainly engaged in social science research, has published many professional articles, effectively guided the country's reform and development, in 2006, he applied for retirement, and has been living a low-key life since then, rarely appearing in the public eye.