As everyone knows, the Qing Dynasty was the last feudal dynasty in the history of the mainland, established by the Manchus. However, what is less well known is that in this dynasty ruled by ethnic minorities, there was a peculiar phenomenon: the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen never held the post of magistrate. This phenomenon lasted for nearly three hundred years until the fall of the Qing Dynasty.
At first glance, many people may think that this is because the qualifications of the Manmeng flag people are not enough. But is it really that simple? You know, the Manchus were the rulers of the Qing Dynasty, and they occupied many important positions in the court, so why couldn't they serve as a small magistrate?
What is even more puzzling is that in the official system of the Qing Dynasty, Manchus could hold almost any position, from the highest emperor to ministers at all levels, Manchus were everywhere. So, why is the position of county governor the exception? What is the unknown reason behind this?
Let's unveil this historical mystery together and explore the truth about why the county of the Qing Dynasty never granted the Manmeng banner people. This answer may subvert our perception of the Qing Dynasty's bureaucracy and give us a deeper understanding of this once powerful empire. What is the reason that makes the Manmeng banner people avoid this seemingly ordinary position?
An overview of the Qing Dynasty bureaucracy
At the beginning of the establishment of the Qing Dynasty, it was faced with the difficult problem of how to effectively rule the vast Central Plains. In order to consolidate their power, the Qing rulers cleverly designed a unique bureaucratic system on the basis of the Ming Dynasty bureaucracy. This system not only reflected the policy of division between the Manchus and Hans, but also reflected the political wisdom of the Qing rulers.
In the eighteenth year of the reign of Kangxi (1679), the Qing Dynasty promulgated the "Eight Banners Rule", which formally established the ethnic distribution system of official positions. This system divides official positions into six types: clan vacancies, full vacancies, Mongolian vacancies, Han army vacancies, internal affairs government vacancies, and Han vacancies. This classification may seem complicated, but it also contains profound political considerations.
Taking the six ministries as an example, each department has a Manchu and Han dual head system. For example, the post of secretary of the Ministry of Officials, with one person each of the Manchu and Han Dynasty, has formed a unique pattern of "one department, two chiefs". This setup not only embodied the principle of Manchu-Han co-governance, but also ensured the dominance of the Manchus in the core sector.
However, this apparent equitable distribution actually has a hidden mystery. In important positions, Manchu officials often dominated. Taking the Ministry of Officials as an example, although there is a Manchu and Han Shangshu, in fact, the Manchu Shangshu is the real decision-maker, and the Han Shangshu plays more of an auxiliary and advisory role.
Not only that, but in some key local positions, the Qing Dynasty clearly stipulated that they could only be filled by Manchus. For example, the positions of Governor of Zhili (in the area of present-day Hebei Province) and General Shengjing (in the area of today's Liaoning Province) were specially set up for the Manchurians. Not only were these positions enormous, but they were also directly related to the security of Qing rule, and their holding by the Manchus ensured the absolute control of the imperial court over these regions.
It is worth noting that the Qing Dynasty's bureaucracy also has a distinctive feature, that is, the special arrangement of the clan. The clan, that is, members of the imperial family, enjoyed special treatment in the Qing official system. They are usually not sent to serve in other places, but are concentrated in the capital and hold some special positions. This arrangement was made to preserve the dignity of the imperial family on the one hand, and on the other hand, to prevent members of the clan from having too much power in the field and thus threatening the emperor's rule.
However, the Qing Dynasty's bureaucracy was not set in stone. With the passage of time, especially during the Qianlong period, some subtle changes began to appear in the official system. For example, in response to the growing number of clan members, the Qing dynasty began to allow some clans to serve as high-ranking officials in other places, such as governors and governors. This change reflects the flexibility of the Qing rulers in the face of real-world problems.
Overall, the Qing Dynasty's bureaucracy was a well-designed system that ensured both Manchu dominance and to a certain extent the interests of Han scholars, laying the foundation for nearly three hundred years of Qing rule. However, in this seemingly perfect system, there is a peculiar phenomenon: the Manmeng banner people never serve as the magistrate. The reasons behind this phenomenon will be revealed in the following content.
The special status of the Manchurian banner people
In the social structure of the Qing Dynasty, the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen undoubtedly occupied the top of the pyramid. This special status is not only reflected in all aspects of social life, but also deeply imprinted in the political system of the Qing Dynasty. To understand why the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen never served as magistrates, we first need to delve into their unique position in Qing society.
The identity advantage of the Manchu and Mongolian banner people is first reflected in their legal status. The Qing Dynasty implemented the policy of division between the Manchus and Hans, and formulated a special law for the Manchu and Mongolian banner people, the "Banner Man Special Article" in the "Great Qing Huidian". These legal provisions granted many privileges to the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen, such as the fact that they were often punished less lightly than the Han Chinese in terms of criminal punishment.
A typical case occurred during the Qianlong period. A Manchu banner man was seriously injured in a drunken brawl and should be punished with confiscation according to Han Chinese law. However, due to his status as a bannerman, he was only sentenced to cane and a fine in the end. This kind of legal double standard further strengthened the privileged position of the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen.
In terms of economy, the Manchurian and Mongolian banner people also enjoy many preferential treatments. The Qing Dynasty government set up a special parenting system for the banner people, called the "Eight Banners Livelihood". Each banner man can receive a fixed ration and silver taels, and this guarantee system allows the banner man not to worry about his livelihood, and can focus on military and government affairs.
However, this generous treatment also has unintended consequences. Over time, many banner people gradually lost their enterprising spirit and became lazy and extravagant. Emperor Kangxi once sighed: "Since Manchuria entered the customs, it has gradually become infected with the atmosphere of the Han people, so that it is arrogant and lascivious, and it has lost its simple style of the past." "This phenomenon affected the Manchus' ability to rule to a certain extent.
In terms of the way to enter the office, the Manmeng flag people also enjoy obvious advantages. Although the Qing Dynasty continued to use the imperial examination system, a special examination system was established for the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen, namely the "mounted archery" examination. This kind of examination is much simpler than the imperial examination of the Han Chinese, and mainly tests military skills such as horseback riding and archery.
A Manchu official named Fucha Fu Heng was admitted to the government through the riding and archery test. In the fiftieth year of the Kangxi reign (1711), he took the cavalry and archery examination and was selected as a third-class guard with excellent results. After that, he rose all the way through the ranks with his outstanding talents, and eventually became an important minister of the Qianlong Dynasty, and became the official to the Minister of Military Aircraft and the Secretary of the Ministry of Households.
In addition to the special examination system, there are more ways for Manmengqi people to enter the office. For example, they can inherit the official positions of their fathers through the hereditary system, or obtain official positions through the shadow system. These systems have greatly lowered the threshold for Manchurian and Mongolian banner people to enter the ranks, making them occupy an absolute advantage in officialdom.
In the distribution of high-ranking official positions, the Manchurian banner people occupy an absolute dominant position. Taking the Six Shangshu as an example, although the system of half of the Manchu and Han was nominally implemented, in fact the Manchu Shangshu was the real power figure. In some key positions, such as the Military Aircraft Department, the governor, the general and other positions, they are almost monopolized by the Manchurians.
This monopoly is not without controversy. During the Yongzheng period, a Han official named Zha Siting boldly wrote a book questioning the Manchu monopoly of high positions. He pointed out: "The Manchu and Han families are all His Majesty's children. Today's world is the world of China, and the world of non-Manchurian people. This remark caused an uproar, and eventually Cha Siting was executed on charges of "great disrespect".
Over time, however, the Manchu monopoly on high-ranking official positions began to loosen. In the late Qianlong period, some capable Han officials began to enter core decision-making bodies such as the Military Aircraft Department. For example, Liu Yong, a well-known Han official, served as the Minister of Military Aircraft and participated in the formulation of major national policies.
In general, the Manchu and Mongolian banner people did enjoy a special status and many privileges in Qing Dynasty society. This special status was not only reflected in the legal and economic aspects, but also profoundly affected the bureaucratic system of the Qing Dynasty. However, it is precisely this special status that makes the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen restricted in some aspects, including the inability to hold the seemingly ordinary but extremely important position of magistrate. The reasons behind this phenomenon will be explored further in the following content.
The peculiarities of the position of the magistrate
In the huge bureaucratic system of the Qing Dynasty, although the rank of the magistrate was not high, it was an extremely special and important position. To understand why the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen never served as magistrates, we must delve into the unique nature of the position and its critical role in local governance.
The magistrate, as the highest administrator at the state and county level, is an important link between the imperial court and the grassroots. They are known as "parent officials" and are not only responsible for local administrative affairs, but also in charge of justice, taxation, education, and other aspects. It can be said that the magistrate is the "lowest" but most important official who deals directly with ordinary people.
Let's look at a concrete example. During the Qianlong period, a major case occurred in Xiushui County, Jiaxing Prefecture, Zhejiang Province. A wealthy local businessman was killed, and the suspect was his servant. After the case, the magistrate of Xiushui County immediately launched an investigation. He personally surveyed the scene, interrogated suspects, and visited neighborhoods. After a month of hard work, the magistrate finally found out that the real culprit was actually the wife of the deceased. This case vividly illustrates the important role of county magistrates in local governance, not only to maintain local law and order, but also to go deep into the people to understand the people's feelings.
The close connection between the county and the people makes this position the key to understanding the people's feelings and reassuring the people. In the history of the Qing Dynasty, there is no shortage of touching stories of Zhixian being close to the people and loving the people. For example, Yu Chenglong, the magistrate of Cao County in Shandong during the Kangxi period, not only opened a warehouse to release grain, but also personally led the people to dig wells for water when the local area suffered a severe drought. His actions not only saved the victims, but also won the love of the people. This image of being close to the people played an important role in maintaining the rule of the Qing Dynasty.
However, the particularity of the position of the county magistrate is not only reflected in its close relationship with the people, but also in the high requirements for the personal ability of the magistrate. A qualified magistrate must not only be proficient in economics and history, but also know how to practice. They need to deal with a variety of complex local affairs, from mediating civil disputes to organizing disaster relief, from promoting new agricultural technologies to maintaining local law and order.
This comprehensive competency requirement makes the selection process for the county even more stringent. The Qing Dynasty continued the imperial examination system of the Ming Dynasty, but paid more attention to practical ability in the selection of magistrates. For example, the "big pick" system implemented during the Yongzheng period was to select outstanding county talents. Officials participating in the "big challenge" need to go through a rigorous written examination and interview, and the assessment content includes many aspects such as government affairs, law, and finance.
A typical example is Huang Shigong in Changshuxian County, Jiangsu during the Qianlong period. Huang Shigong was originally edited by the Hanlin Academy, and was selected as the county magistrate through the "big pick". During his tenure of office, he vigorously rectified the administration of officials and reformed the tax system, which greatly increased the fiscal revenue of Changshu County. At the same time, he also opened a school of righteousness and promoted new agricultural tools, which greatly improved the lives of local people. Huang Shiquan's success is due to the strict selection of candidates for the county under the "big pick" system.
In addition to the ability requirements, the county also faces a strict assessment system. The Qing Dynasty implemented a system of "one examination every three years", and a comprehensive evaluation of local officials was conducted every three years. The assessment content includes tax collection, public security situation, people's livelihood improvement and other aspects. The results of the appraisal are directly related to the promotion or retention of officials.
For example, Li Zongzhi, the governor of Pingding Prefecture in Shanxi during the Qianlong period, was exceptionally promoted to Shanxi as an envoy because of his outstanding performance in the assessment. During his tenure in Zhizhou, Li Zongzhi vigorously promoted water conservancy construction and solved the long-term drought and flood problems in the local area. His political achievements were highly recognized by his superiors, and he finally stood out in the assessment.
However, the peculiarity of the position of county magistrate is also reflected in a lesser-known aspect, that is, cultural inheritance. As the top local administrator, the magistrate is often also the local cultural leader. They were required to preside over local rituals, promote Confucian culture, and even compile local chronicles themselves.
For example, during the Qianlong period, Wang Jingqi, the magistrate of Xinjian County, Nanchang Prefecture, Jiangxi Province, presided over the compilation of the "Xinjian County Chronicles" during his tenure. This county chronicle not only records the history and geography of the area, but also describes in detail the local customs and cultural traditions. Wang Jingqi's work provided valuable information for future generations to understand the social conditions in Jiangxi in the middle of the Qing Dynasty.
In general, although the position of magistrate is not of high rank, it is an indispensable part of the local governance system of the Qing Dynasty. It requires officials to have comprehensive competence and maintain close ties with the population, while also shouldering the heavy responsibility of cultural inheritance. It is this peculiarity that makes the county an extremely important yet challenging position. So, why did the Manchurian Banner people never hold such an important position? The answer to this question, we will explore in detail in the next part.
The reason why the Manmeng banner people did not serve as the magistrate
The seemingly contradictory phenomenon of the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen enjoying a special status in the Qing Dynasty but never holding the important position of magistrate has profound historical reasons and political considerations. To understand this phenomenon, we need to analyze it from multiple perspectives.
First of all, language and cultural barriers are an important factor. After the Manchus entered the customs, although they gradually learned the Chinese language and culture, most Manchus still had difficulty mastering the Chinese dialects and local customs. As a local parent official, the magistrate needs to have frequent exchanges and communication with the local people. Language and cultural barriers can lead to serious governance problems.
A typical example occurred during the Kangxi period. At that time, a Manchu poet named Nalan Xingde was appointed as a state governor in Jiangnan. Although Nalan Xingde was well versed in Han culture, his unfamiliarity with the local dialect and customs led to his repeated mistakes in handling local affairs. Eventually, he had to request to be transferred from the position. This case vividly illustrates the impact of language and cultural barriers on Manchu officials in grassroots governance.
Secondly, the lack of necessary administrative experience and expertise of the Manchus was also an important reason. The county magistrate needs to deal with all kinds of complex local affairs, from taxation to justice, from water conservancy to education. This requires a wealth of administrative experience and expertise. However, Manchu education was mainly focused on military and mounted archery, and there was often a lack of systematic study and practice of complex civil affairs.
For example, Fucha Fu Heng, a Manchu official during the Qianlong period, although he excelled in military affairs, felt inadequately due to his lack of experience in financial management when he was appointed as a household squire. Eventually, he had to ask the emperor for a transfer to another position. This case illustrates the challenges faced by Manchu officials in more specialized administrative positions.
Third, the privileged position of the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen became an obstacle for them to serve as magistrates. As the most basic local official, the county magistrate needs to have close contact with the ordinary people and understand the people's feelings. However, the Manchus have long enjoyed privileges and a clear identity gap from ordinary Han Chinese. This kind of estrangement may affect their accurate grasp of public sentiment and effective handling of local affairs.
A vivid example of this occurred during the Yongzheng period. At that time, a Manchu nobleman was sent to Jiangnan to inspect the people. During the inspection, he had a serious misunderstanding of the living conditions of the local people. In his recital to the emperor, he called the people of Jiangnan "rich in food and clothing, and every household has fine clothes and fine food". This detachment from reality caused a strong dissatisfaction among Emperor Yongzheng, which eventually led to the nobleman being severely punished. This case clearly shows that the privileged position of the Manchus may affect their accurate perception of the situation at the grassroots level.
Fourth, the failure of the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen to serve as magistrates was also part of the Qing Dynasty's ruling strategy. The Qing Dynasty adopted a policy of "Manchu-Han partition", which maintained the dominance of the Manchus while also giving Han officials some room to maneuver. The position of magistrate, which is in direct contact with the people, is held by Han officials, which can alleviate ethnic contradictions to a certain extent and enhance the legitimacy of the rule.
For example, Chen Tingjing, a prominent statesman during the Kangxi period, suggested that the emperor should allow Han officials to hold grassroots positions in order to better understand the people's feelings. Kangxi adopted this suggestion and achieved good results in practice. This strategy not only enhanced cooperation between the Manchus and Hans, but also improved the efficiency of local governance.
Fifth, the fact that the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen did not serve as magistrates was also related to the talent selection system of the Qing Dynasty. Although the Qing Dynasty retained the imperial examination system, it imposed special selection criteria for Manchus. The Manchus mainly entered the official career through the riding and archery examination and the hereditary system, which was difficult to cultivate qualified county magistrates.
A typical example is Heshen during the Qianlong period. Although He Shen was born into a Manchu aristocracy, he became proficient in Han culture through self-study and passed the imperial examination to become a jinshi. However, Manchu officials like He Shen were in the minority after all. Most Manchu officials still passed the traditional cavalry and archery examinations and the hereditary system, which made it difficult for them to qualify for positions that required all-round competence.
Finally, the fact that the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen did not serve as magistrates was also related to the military strategy of the Qing Dynasty. As the rulers of the ethnic minority, the core advantage of the Manchus lies in their military capabilities. The Qing government tended to place Manchus in important military positions and important administrative positions in order to maintain its rule. In contrast, the grassroots position of the county governor is relatively low in military strategic importance.
For example, during the Yongzheng period, the Manchu general Nian Qianyao was appointed governor of Shaanxi and Gansu, responsible for suppressing the Dzungar rebellion. Although Nian was eventually executed for complacency, his appointment reflected the Qing dynasty's emphasis on the use of Manchu military talent.
Overall, the fact that the Manchu and Mongolian bannermen did not serve as magistrates reflects the complexity and delicate balance of Qing rule. It was both a reluctant move by the Manchu rulers and a wise ruling strategy. This arrangement, while maintaining Manchu rule, also provided a stage for Han officials to display their talents, thus promoting the long-term peace and stability of the Qing Dynasty to a certain extent. However, this arrangement also comes with some unintended consequences, which we will explore in more detail in the next section.
The Manchu and Mongolian bannermen did not serve as the influence of the magistrate
Although the policy of not serving as the magistrate of the Manchu and Mongolian banners was conducive to the stability of the Qing Dynasty's rule in the short term, in the long run, it had a series of far-reaching effects, not only affecting the political pattern of the Qing Dynasty, but also having a profound effect on the development of modern Chinese society.
First of all, this policy deepened the estrangement between the Manchus and Han to a certain extent. Although the Qing rulers tried to alleviate ethnic contradictions through this arrangement, in practice it created a clear division of functions among Manchu and Han officials. This division of labor strengthened the identity differences between the Manchus and Hans, which was not conducive to ethnic integration.
For example, during the Qianlong period, a serious civil uprising occurred in Changshu County, Jiangsu. The local people revolted because they were dissatisfied with the tax policy, and although the county magistrate Li tried his best to calm down, the situation still expanded. In the end, the Qing court had to send the Manchu general Fu Kangan to lead the army to suppress it. In this case, the Han prefects were responsible for day-to-day governance, while the Manchu generals were responsible for military repression, a division of roles that clearly reflected the estrangement between the Manchus and the Hans.
Second, this policy led to the gradual detachment of Manchu officials from the grassroots and the loss of direct understanding of the people's situation. The long-term lack of contact with grassroots affairs has caused many high-ranking Manchu officials to lack a practical basis when formulating policies, resulting in erroneous decision-making.
A typical example is the water conservancy problem in the south of the Yangtze River during the Jiaqing period. At that time, the Manchu officials in charge of the Jiangnan region lacked understanding of the local water conservancy situation and made mistakes in their decision-making when dealing with the flood disaster, which led to the aggravation of the disaster. Eventually, the imperial court had to send Han officials who were well-versed in water conservancy to deal with it. This incident fully exposed the shortcomings of Manchu officials who were detached from the grassroots level.
Third, this policy also affected the cultivation of Manchu talents to a certain extent. Due to the long-term lack of contact with grassroots governance, the cultivation of administrative skills of Manchu officials was limited. As a result, over time, Manchu officials gradually lagged behind Han Chinese officials in their ability to handle complex administrative matters.
For example, during the Daoguang period, a Manchu minister named Mu Zhang'a was appointed Minister of Military Aircraft. Although Mu Zhang'a was quite accomplished in literature, he lacked experience in grassroots administration, and was unable to deal with national affairs. In contrast, Lin Zexu, a Han official of the same period, had accumulated a wealth of practical experience due to his long tenure at the local level, and excelled in dealing with the complex opium problem.
Fourth, this policy also indirectly promoted the development of the Han scholar class. Since grassroots positions such as county governors are mainly held by Han officials, this provides a large number of opportunities for Han scholars to display their talents. Many Han officials have been gradually promoted to higher positions through their outstanding performance at the grassroots level.
A striking example is Tsang Guofan. Zeng Guofan initially served as a priest in Xiangxiang County, Hunan, and through his outstanding performance at the grassroots level, he gradually rose through the ranks, eventually becoming one of the most influential Han officials in the late Qing Dynasty. He not only quelled the Taiping Rebellion, but also promoted the Westernization Movement, which had a profound impact on the political situation of the late Qing Dynasty.
Fifth, this policy also had an important impact on the fiscal management of the Qing Dynasty. As the chief executive at the grassroots level, the magistrate is responsible for important matters such as the collection of taxes. Since Manchu officials did not serve as county governors, they lacked direct knowledge of the financial situation at the grassroots level, which to a certain extent affected the effective control of local finances by the central government.
For example, during the Jiaqing period, there was a major corruption case in Henan Province. The local Manchu governor did not know the situation at the grassroots level and failed to detect the problem in time. In the end, the case was exposed by the petitioning farmers, and the amount of money involved was huge, shocking the government and the public. This incident exposed the lack of effective supervision of grassroots finances by senior Manchu officials.
Sixth, this policy also had a profound impact on the Qing judicial system. As the chief executive of the prefecture and county, the magistrate is also a junior judge and is responsible for hearing most civil and minor criminal cases. Since Manchu officials did not serve as magistrates, they were relatively inexperienced in judicial practice.
A typical example occurred during the Daoguang period. At that time, a complex case involving Manchu-Han contradictions was appealed to Jingshi. The high-ranking Manchu officials in charge of hearing the case found it difficult to accurately grasp the facts of the case because of their lack of judicial experience at the grassroots level. In the end, Han officials who had served in the local area had to be consulted to resolve the case fairly. This incident reflected the inadequacy of the judicial practice of Manchu officials.
Finally, this policy also had a profound impact on political reform in the last years of the Qing Dynasty. With the invasion of the Western powers, the Qing Dynasty began to implement a new policy. However, Manchu officials have been detached from the grassroots for a long time and lack a deep understanding of social realities, making it difficult to effectively implement many reform measures.
For example, in the "New Deal" implemented during the Guangxu period, many measures aimed at reforming local governance, such as the establishment of a police system and the reform of the education system, required an in-depth understanding of the situation at the grassroots level. However, senior Manchu officials responsible for formulating these policies often lacked relevant experience, leading to difficulties in implementing them. In contrast, some Han officials with experience in politics at the grassroots level, such as Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai, were more handy in implementing the new policy.
In general, although the policy of not serving as prefects of the county was played a positive role in maintaining the stability of the rule in the early Qing Dynasty, its negative effects gradually became apparent over time. It not only deepened the estrangement between the Manchus and the Han and affected the cultivation of Manchu talents, but also indirectly affected the fiscal, judicial and political reforms of the Qing Dynasty. The impact of this policy lasted until the end of the Qing Dynasty and became one of the many factors influencing the fate of the Qing Dynasty.