In the spring and summer of 1930, three months after being transferred back to Shanghai to work, Liu Shaoqi rushed to Moscow as the head of the Chinese trade union delegation to attend the International Congress of Red Workers, and was elected as a member of the Executive Board to stay in the meeting. My father offered to use the legal unions (then derogatorily called the "yellow unions") "to carry out our work, to make friends, and to fight for ...... The correct propositions of the masses of workers at the lower strata have been branded as "right-leaning opportunist" politics.
When my father wore a hat in Moscow and was criticized, the country was at the height of "leftist adventurism" and wanted to "seize power in the whole country through riots in one or several provinces." Three months later, from June to August, the Comintern urgently sent Qu Qiubai and Zhou Enlai back to China to convene the Third Session of the Sixth Central Committee to criticize Li Lisan, but the "leftist" line was not corrected. It was precisely because Liu Shaoqi insisted on opposing Li Lisan's "climax theory" and "conciliationism" (see the paragraph of the Shangshun Zhizhi Provincial Party Committee) that he was denounced as an "old rightist". It is precisely like this, which proves that his father is really correct and is not a member of the "three sects".
At that time, the CPC Central Committee urgently needed experienced veteran comrades to undertake important work. My father was called "working for many years...... In view of the success or failure of the two provincial party committees of Shunzhi and Manchuria, and in fact proving whose proposition was correct, the Central Committee appointed Liu Shaoqi as secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee and sent Li Lisan, who had been dismissed, to the Soviet Union to replace Liu. However, it is still the red workers with a large international brand and will not let go. My father wore a hat, was open-minded, worked hard, and persevered in the struggle. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China repeatedly "asked the Comintern for permission not to go to Moscow" and "did not go to the International for the time being," but he had no choice but to go to the Soviet Union under the guise of a name.
Liu Shaoqi and Li Lisan got along and worked together again in Moscow. When they first arrived in Anyuan, they were both members of the Hunan District Executive Committee of the Communist Party of China, and their father was led by Uncle Lisan for less than half a year, and they worked together to establish and expand the Hanyeping Federation of Trade Unions. In the revolutionary movement that followed, Li Lisan was under the leadership of the Central Committee, and they cooperated a lot, often argued, insisted on their own views, and were familiar and independent. At this time, Liu Dang's "old right" was repeatedly criticized - as a member of the Executive Board, he stayed in the Red Workers International; Li was dismissed from his post and sent to school for "ultra-leftism" -- as a representative of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions to the Workers' International. I wonder if the old buddies can argue clearly? I wondered, maybe I know it all in my heart, "between the eyebrows, there is no plan to avoid it"?
Above: At the Fifth Congress of the Red Workers International, Liu Shaoqi was elected as a member of the Executive Board of the Workers International. After the meeting, he stayed in the Red Staff International to work. The photo shows the building of trade unions in Moscow.
Above: Li Lisan, who joined the Chinese Communist Party in 1921. He participated in and led the Anyuan Road miners' strike, the May Day Movement, and the struggle for the Hankow workers' recovery of the British Concession. He was a member of the Political Bureau of the Fifth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.
All I know is that the two guys are quite harmonious. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, there was a controversy over the trade union issue, and Liu and Li, the two oldest workers' leaders, had the same opinion. In short, they do not show favoritism or personal grudges, and remain friendly. In the "Cultural Revolution", unprovoked hardships and return together - "eternal knot ruthless travel, phase Miao Yunhan".
The Comintern was very dissatisfied with the "conciliationist" stance and attitude of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the "three lines" and was completely disillusioned with the so-called "old cadres" and was eager to replace them with students studying in the Soviet Union. In January 1931, three months after the end of the Third Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party, the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee, which was "single-handedly directed" by the Comintern representative Mifu, was held. It is estimated that it is precisely because of the "right-leaning" and "anti-trend" (opposition to the mainstream of closed-door doctrine and adventurism) in the red and white zones that Mao Zedong (37 years old) and Liu Shaoqi (32 years old), who did not attend the meeting, were elected as alternate members of the Politburo at the same time.
What is heartbreaking is that the history that followed has played out a more "leftist" and more tragic tragedy! Otherwise, the bloody purgatory will create a more majestic and brilliant cause!
Above: Liu Shaoqi's article "The Recent Chinese Workers' Movement, the Kuomintang's Factory Law, Trade Union Law, and the Current Tasks of the Red Trade Unions" written by Liu Shaoqi under the pseudonym Liu Xiang. The article put forward the correct policy for dealing with the Kuomintang's "Factory Law" and "Trade Union Law" and pointed out the importance of using legal means of struggle.
After the "918 Incident", my father, who had been in the Soviet Union for more than a year, returned to China. He later recounted that because "trade union work comes first...... It's important...... Only I do union work, they won't do it. The newly established Ministry of Workers is the highest priority chief department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, with Liu Shaoqi as the minister. At this time, the vast majority of comrades in China respected the superstitious Comintern. However, Liu had seen the detachment of the "international" from reality, and was even more disgusted with the dogma of the CCP's "internationalists". He repeatedly said that since it is a "low tide," we should defend ourselves, put forward slogans and tasks that are generally acceptable, and legally recruit members, and that at present, the members of our red trade unions account for only one thousandth of the workers in the whole country, and that we should "be confined to a very narrow and secret sphere," and that we should rapidly expand our organization.
The Provisional Central Committee of the Communist Party of China admitted that the revolution was at a "low ebb" and said that it was precisely for this reason that efforts should be made to set off an "upsurge", "to counterattack, to attack now, to attack again", "to cooperate in everything, to fight to the end"! It is even more "leftist" than Li Lisan's "climax theory" and the "anti-yellow trade union" of the Workers' International! It is difficult for people today to imagine that in order to protect and develop trade unions, they must first struggle within the party and pass the "central level"! Only one or two months after returning to China, the Provisional Central Committee interviewed my father many times to make "general criticisms."
Almost at the same time, the First Congress of the Chinese Workers' Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviets in Ruijin, Jiangxi Province, was held, and the establishment of a provisional central government was announced, Liu Shaoqi was elected as a member of the Executive Committee, and Mao Zedong was the chairman of the government and the Executive Committee.
In the past three years, my father has almost always been criticized for insisting on fighting, always reviewing and insisting on his opinions, always insisting on work, wearing the hat of "old right", and repeatedly holding important positions, which is quite similar to Mao Zedong in the red zone during the same period.
On January 28, 1932, the Japanese army invaded Shanghai, and the 19th Route Army of the Kuomintang rose up to resist.
Above: In the autumn of 1931, Liu Shaoqi returned from the Soviet Union and served as the head of the Workers' Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the secretary of the Party Caucus of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in Shanghai. In November, he was elected a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Chinese Soviet Republic at the First National Congress of the Chinese Workers' Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviets held in Ruijin, Jiangxi Province. The photo shows the ongoing elections for the General Assembly.
Convinced that "September 18" and "January 28" were "the prelude to Japan's invasion of the Soviet Union," the Provisional Central Committee demanded that Shanghai launch a "large-scale armed insurrection of the General Alliance," follow the example of the Soviet Union in carrying out the "February Revolution in China" (there was a "February Revolution" before the October Revolution in Soviet Russia), shouted the slogan of "armed defense of the Soviet Union," and declared Cai Tingkai, commander of the 19th Route Army, a counterrevolutionary. Liu Shaoqi disagreed: At this moment, "putting the slogan of saving the Chinese nation from peril" in the second place, but trying to defend the Soviet Union, how can he "go to the broad masses"; and the demolition of the platform behind the anti-Japanese officers and soldiers is undoubtedly helping the Japanese army, and proposing to protest and strike mainly in Japanese enterprises and organize comprehensive support for the anti-Japanese resistance. The Central Committee once again rebuked Liu as a "canceller" (meaning capitulation faction) and strictly ordered a general strike and a general riot. 2 It is ironic that those who shout slogans and give orders do not understand that they will not be able to organize a strike, let alone lead an insurrection. In the long wind, my father led the mobilization of workers to the battlefield position, became the main force to support the 19th Route Army, and organized the "Shanghai Volunteer Army" to boycott Japanese goods, which made a sound and impressive performance, and all parties supported it.
Above: After the January 28 Incident in Shanghai in 1932, Liu Shaoqi personally led the anti-Japanese general strike of workers in western Shanghai. The picture shows the workers of Shanghai on January 30, 1932, under the leadership of the party, holding an anti-Japanese rally to support the anti-Japanese patriotic action of the 19th Route Army.
In order to relieve the workers and their families who went on strike in Japanese enterprises, to raise donations and build porridge shacks on the streets, to unite the masses and expand their influence, Soong Ching Ling donated 2,000 silver yuan for the first time to drive support from all walks of life. However, the Provisional Central Committee condemned Soong Ching-ling, He Xiangning, and others for "insisting on declaring among the masses that they were trying to buy off the workers"1, severely denouncing the "rice bag doctrine" and being too spineless of the working class, and ordering the withdrawal of stalls and refunds, and the refusal to eat what they had come to eat. Liu Shaoqi resisted it angrily, dealt with it frankly, and replied to the "dogma" with "classics": "Closed-door doctrine and adventurism do not understand the connection between the economic struggle and the political struggle of the masses", and cited Marx's famous saying that "the economic struggle of the masses is also a political struggle."
Obviously, when this was the beginning of the national crisis in the early days of the 14-year War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, our party's major contribution to the nation and the country was even more "low tide", and our party shouldered the responsibility, mobilized all sectors of society to participate in the salvation, and developed its own unprecedented movement. For example, Tian Han, who was the same age and fellow townsman as his father, and Nie Er, who was 14 years younger, joined the Shanghai Volunteer Army at this time, and Tian Han joined the Communist Party of China and developed Nie Er to join the party the following year. In 1936, the great "March of the Volunteers" was sung all over the world in the "December 9" Movement. Tracing back to the present day, the national anthem from its source (the "January 28" Volunteer Army) to the original singing and transmission (the "December 9" Movement) was actually in the anti-Japanese movement directly led by my father.
Marx's shout is true: "One practical movement is more important than a dozen programs"!
However, at a meeting of the Provisional Politburo of the Central Committee on March 14, Zhao Rong (Kang Sheng), Luo Fu (Zhang Wentian), and Bo Gu (Qin Bangxian) held that "the Central Workers' Department and the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (All-China Federation of Trade Unions) caucus are unable to implement the line of the Comintern and the Central Committee in leading the workers' movement, and there is a serious right-leaning opportunist leadership style." The meeting conveyed the instructions of the Comintern that "Liu Xiang (Liu Shaoqi) cannot hold a leading position", dismissed Liu Shaoqi as Minister of Workers, and called on the whole party to "resolutely and ruthlessly defeat the ...... harmful opportunistic line". My father was forced to review and fight. Since no one knew how to engage in the labor movement, the Central Committee "did not dare to fire" Liu, and on July 28, he simply "abolished the Central Workers' Department" and merged it into the All-China Federation of Trade Unions.
Chen yun
Because of his extreme danger and his constant mistakes, Lu Futan, a member of the Standing Committee of the Provisional Central Committee, said that he would no longer be the chairman of the ACFTU. Years later, my father recalled: "It is strange that I was removed from the post of Minister of Workers, but I was made the chairman of the (general) trade union. At that time, they decided that Chen Yun would do it, but Chen Yun would let me do it, and they had to approve it."
From the beginning of 1928 to this time, Liu Shaoqi was almost to blame. Later, he sharply argued: "Closed-door doctrine and adventurism must bring the organization of our party to the ground" and not "completely expel the allies of the masses and other factions...... It's more than that".
Coincidentally, almost at the same time, on October 8, 1932, the Central Soviet Region convened the Ningdu Conference, which "concentrated on criticizing Mao Zedong's subjective and arbitrary decisions, resisting pressure from above, and disrespecting Soviet advisers", and also dismissed Mao Zedong from his post in the Party and the Red Army, and "went home to recuperate" (Mao Zedong's words).
Love and appearance, slightly similar, alone on the tall building, looking at the end of the world. It can be seen that the divergence between the lines of the "white zone" and the "red zone" is directly linked to national defense, the military, and the armed forces.
As a result of the arrest and rebellion of Gu Shunzhang (alternate member of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, in charge of security and intelligence work), Xiang Zhongfa (praised by the Comintern as a "true proletarian leader", chairman of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee and general secretary of the CPC Central Committee), and Lu Futan (member of the Standing Committee of the Provisional Politburo, in charge of the labor movement), the organization suffered great damage and a bloody storm swept in the face. At this time, the Central Committee's funds mainly came from the Soviets in the Red Zone, and the bandits "White Dogs" robbed them many times, and the extreme danger to their lives and the extreme economic constraints forced the Provisional Central Committee to fail to work in Shanghai, and all the personnel were dispersed one after another and transferred to the Soviet areas. At the end of 1932, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was basically evacuated, and on January 17, 1933, Bogu and Liao Chengyun (Chen Yun) were finally evacuated, and the leadership of the "white zone" was almost completely cut off. The "leftist" line for five consecutive years eventually caused a disturbance to the point where the party organizations in the white areas of the country were completely paralyzed.
Alack! "Boundless falling trees are falling, and the Yangtze River is rolling in."
At the end of 1932, Lu Futan, the former chairman of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, was arrested and betrayed, and his father, who had frequent contact with him, was urgently evacuated from Shanghai.
Above: In the course of leading the movement in the Soviet area, Liu Shaoqi emphasized the need to educate the workers in the ideology of ownership and the implementation of scientific management of enterprises according to the characteristics of the workers' movement in the Soviet area. The picture shows two articles published by him in the 53rd and 54th issues of the newspaper "Struggle", the organ of the Central Bureau of the Communist Party of China in the Soviet District.
He Baozhen's mother, in Hunan in 1925 and Manchuria in 1929, successfully rescued her father twice, and rescued important leaders of our party, a large number of party members and revolutionary masses countless times. At this time, as the rescue minister (the public identity is the vice president of the National Mutual Aid Association), the "little eldest sister" (with Anyuan's habits, the honorific title within the Communist Party of China), was at the busiest moment, and her two-year-old son resolutely stayed. When Liao Chengzhi was successfully rescued, he was targeted by the enemy, and before he was arrested, he stuffed my second brother Liu Yunruo with a handful of money to the neighbor's worker's house. Mother and son and father, life and death are boundless.
The enemy tortured him strictly, and he didn't torture him to find out the details, and he knew how to rescue him, and he admired a few points. Imprisoned until the autumn of 1934, his identity was exposed, and He's mother, who was only 32 years old, was unyielding and awe-inspiring in Yuhuatai, Nanjing, and was praised as "brave and resolute, and an outstanding female party member". Dead outside, fiery and red, always keep the virgin always there; Impeccable, indestructible, great love!
After the founding of the People's Republic of China, my father went south to his hometown for the first time and took my mother, Wang Guangmei, to pay tribute to the heroic and meritorious "eldest sister" -- martyr He Baozhen.
Back in early 1933, my father entered the Central Soviet District and arrived in Changting, which was known as "Little Shanghai". Ruijin in the Soviet District is like the capital, Changting is a city on the Ting River, where several provinces meet, commerce and industry are relatively developed, quite prosperous, and there are many workers.
The former site of the Central Executive Bureau of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in the Soviet District.
Tingzhou has no waves to change the world, and Chuke often thinks about painting a new day. Liu Shaoqi, chairman of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (Federation of Trade Unions of the Central Bureau of the Soviet District), started a new work. Chen Yun was a member of the Standing Committee of the Provisional Central Committee and secretary of the Federation of Trade Unions, and they conducted investigations and studies in Changting and Ruijin to protect the interests of workers and encourage the development of industry and commerce in the Soviet area. For example, the responsibility system of the factory director is determined. What was the relationship between the factory director and the workers in the Soviets? How to solve labor conflicts? How to properly handle labor relations in private enterprises? These questions were not raised after the founding of New China, Chen Yun and Liu Shaoqi had already begun to study and experiment at that time. At that time, everything was learned from the Soviet Union, and according to the laws of the Chinese Soviets, the welfare of workers was too high for any enterprise to run. Liu Shaoqi said that it would definitely not work to completely copy the Soviet Union, so he reported to Mao Zedong and Zhang Wentian (chairman of the People's Executive Committee) for approval and changed the law. This period has accumulated the initial and valuable experience for the base areas and liberated areas many years later, as well as for the construction and economic recovery of New China.
Sun Tzu said: Soldiers "will die if they have no food, and they will die if they have no accumulation." At that time, the work of the local soviets and trade unions, which provided the material basis for the construction, development, operations, and service of the Red Army, had a direct bearing on the survival of the Communist Party and the army.
"'All is subordinate to war,' that is, everything is subordinate to the enduring interests of the working class as a whole. "After the fruitful work of all parties, the expansion of the Red Army movement formed an upsurge, and in just one year or so, more than 100,000 people were mobilized to the front. Today, when we cherish the memory of the old workers' and peasants' Red Army, we must not forget that so many workers were the head of the main body!
Liu Shaoqi worked hard to form workers' and peasants' armed forces in Ruijin and Changting. On February 17, the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army's Clerk and Craft Workers Division (and ordnance repair) was established; On February 27, the division of coolie transport workers was established (concurrently with the army for land and water transport). On August 1, 1933, the Workers' Division of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army was formally established, also known as the Central Guard Division, with more than 12,800 people all workers. Liu Shaoqi not only mobilized the workers' movement and the military movement, organized the expansion of popularity, and provided strength for the people's armed forces, but he also personally formed an army, the workers' division.
Liu Shaoqi in the Central Soviet District
In the spring and summer of 1934, the fifth anti-"encirclement and suppression" campaign entered an extreme predicament. At the time of crisis, my father was appointed secretary of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee. The official history records that he was appointed in July, and Changting records that it has arrived in April. Liu Shaoqi served as a leader in many places: secretary of the Shunzhi, Manchurian, and Jiangsu Provincial Party committees, and later the secretary of the Northern Bureau, the Central Plains Bureau, the Central China Bureau, and the North China Bureau. At the end of 1932, the Provisional Central Committee appointed Liu Shaoqi as the secretary of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee. Liu Shaoqi saw this situation and took the initiative to give up. After that, he stayed in Changting to conduct investigations and worked with Chen Yun in the All-China Federation of Trade Unions. Previously, Liu was appointed secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee in the White Zone in the Soviet Union and failed to take office; This time, he was appointed secretary of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee in the Red Zone, but he failed to take office -- it was really a bad adventure. Before entering the central leadership collective, few people were like Liu Shaoqi, who opened up the situation in so many places and took charge of their own affairs -- it was a good story of meritorious service.
My father told me that because he fought side by side with the 19th Route Army in the "January 28" anti-Japanese war, and had a friendship of desperate help to the death, the central government sent him to work in the Fujian Provincial Party Committee to cover the secret mission: to contact Jiang Guangnai and Cai Tingkai, who were "encircling and suppressing" the Red Army in Fujian, to jointly resist Japan and unite against Chiang. As an alternate member of the Politburo, he led the work of the provincial party committee. A few months later, the secret mission was revoked, and Liu Shaoqi was officially appointed secretary of the provincial party committee.
In the past few months, the Fujian Provincial Party Committee began to carry out the main work of expanding the red line, raising grain, transporting supplies, transporting soldiers and supplies to the army, and organizing the production and life of the masses.
Above: On January 15, 1934, Liu Shaoqi attended the Fifth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in Ruijin and was re-elected as an alternate member of the Politburo. The picture shows the auditorium of the Central Soviet Government in Ruijin.
He also specially convened the joint efforts of all parties to send Wu Lie, the head of the political defense brigade, to exterminate the stubborn bandits in Kuzhushan.
During this period, my father did something seemingly inconspicuous but of great significance: demarcating small regional party and government organizations, establishing local armed forces, generally setting up independent regiments and battalions, streamlining the administration of elite troops, and making prepositions for adapting to guerrilla warfare and holding on behind enemy lines in the future.
At that time, the most important thing was to support the front line and organize the expansion of the red. There were indeed a lot of ordinary people in Fujian who joined the Red Army, and when they began to go on the expedition, tens of thousands of Fujian children were sacrificed! Broken from the intestines and people have not returned, now I think of the heroic martyrs, and the Sauvignon Blanc of the next life -- the great contributions and sacrifices made by the people of Fujian to the Chinese revolution are not inferior to those of the people of Jiangxi.
Before the Long March of the Central Red Army, the defense of Tingzhou, organized and commanded by the Fujian Provincial Party Committee, was heroic, but it was lost to frequent battles, and it is rarely seen in historical writings. The iconic is called the Battle of Songmaoling.
Songmaoling, near Changting, is the eastern gate of the Central Soviet District and the last mountain barrier. From 31 August to 3 September, with the support of Commander-in-Chief Zhu De, Lin Biao and Nie Rongzhen lured the enemy 20 miles deep into the 20-mile despite the short-term assault and fortress tactics of the "three-man regiment." The 1st and 2nd Divisions of the 1st Red Army Corps and the 24th Division temporarily attached to the 9th Red Army Corps attacked Wenfang at night in front of the mountain, and ambushed the enemy's reinforcements the next day, destroying more than 4,000 enemies in total. After that, the 1st Red Army was ordered to transfer Ruijin (Xingguo). Many experts count this battle as the first part of the Battle of Songmaoling.
Twenty days later, the Red Ninth Army fought another blocking battle in the mountains, and many people called it the Battle of Songmaoling. This was the last major battle in the Central Soviet Region, and the purpose of the campaign was to cover the strategic shift of the Central Red Army. Chiang Kai-shek angrily killed the defeated brigade commander in Wenfang, severely punished the relevant generals and colonels, and the Kuomintang army fought to the death. On September 23rd, the main battle of Songmaoling began, the battle situation was extremely tragic, the death pillow, the corpses were all over the mountains, the battlefield did not worry about food, the people sent food was very sufficient, but all the water was mixed with blood, floating corpses, all of them were red, and they could not drink. This battle was a fierce battle for seven days and seven nights, and it was an unprecedented heroic battle before the Red Army's Long March, in which nearly 10,000 people were sacrificed. The Red 24th Division, which was finally blocked, was basically defeated before withdrawing. On September 30, the Red Ninth Army left for Ruijin.
Above: Liu Shaoqi attends the Second National Congress of Soviets of the Chinese Soviet Republic. The picture shows a group photo of the presidium of the conference. The fourth person from the left in the back row is Liu Shaoqi.
On October 10, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the Central Military Commission of the Central Revolution led the Central Red Army to set off on the Long March - tears rained down! In order to cover the transfer of the main force, the defense of Tingzhou (including the Battle of Songmaoling) organized by the Fujian Provincial Party Committee was carried out by the Red 24th Division and local armed forces, and it still stubbornly held out until November. The Kuomintang troops swarmed in - rivers of blood!
Whether in Wenfang in front of the mountain or in Songmaoling in the mountains, as the secretary of the provincial party committee, Liu Shaoqi not only organized the transportation of grain and ammunition, but also personally dispatched and organized nearly 10,000 local armed forces (Red Guards) to fight with the Red First and Red Ninth Army Corps. When the war was about to begin, my father was appointed as the representative of the Central Committee of the Red Ninth Army Corps, directly leading and participating in the command of the campaign.
The smoke of gunpowder dissipated, the troops were gone, and the leaders at the time are now gone, and the bones of thousands of soldiers are scattered all over the mountains, and the local villagers have passed on their praises for generations. According to the statistics of the state civil affairs department, about 7 million of the 20 million martyrs who died in the revolution of the Communist Party of China left their names, and the vast majority of them are nameless. For the sake of the ancestors who have succeeded each other, for the people who will never forget, and for the sake of our future generations of soldiers, can we make efforts to verify it, even if we remember a few more strokes in the official history! In today's peaceful and beautiful life, we will always remember the nameless martyrs!
Now, there are a large number of literary and historical materials and literary and artistic works that reflect the Red Army's Long March! In my opinion, its hardship, its hardship, its bravery, and its tragedy are still far from manifested. Fortunately, 2016's "Desperate Guard Division" and "Xiangjiang Campaign" finally reflected the fragments, mainly focusing on the heroic heroism of the decisive battle, and how to show its huge losses and lessons? Especially in the Battle of Songmaoling, the Battle of Xiangjiang, and the bloody Hexi of the Western Route Army, how can such a tough battle and vicious battle be reproduced? It is really necessary to think about innovation, only to know the ancients: there is no hermit in the sundae, and the heroic souls are all returned.
Above: From July 1 to 4, 1934, Liu Shaoqi presided over a congress of workers of state enterprises in the Soviet region in Ruijin, at which he delivered a report entitled "The Political Situation and Our Tasks". The picture shows the news published in "Red China".
Xiang Zhongfa
< Note: (1) Xiang Zhongfa - born in 1880, a worker in Wuhan, joined the party in 1922, served as vice chairman and chairman of the Hanyeping (Anyuan) Federation of Trade Unions with Liu Shaoqi, and served as chairman of the Hubei Federation of Trade Unions in October 1926 (Liu was the vice chairman and secretary general), and Liu was a member of the "Five" Central Committee. Because the Comintern required workers to be leaders, he was elected a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee and chairman of the Politburo at the Sixth National Congress of the CPC Central Committee in 1928. On June 22, 1931, as the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, he was arrested and betrayed. On the 23rd, Chiang Kai-shek issued a warrant that "he should be shot in accordance with the law." After Xiang Zhongfa was executed in Shanghai, Chiang regretted it. Here are a few more sentences of undetermined historical materials for screening and research. There is a sensational record in Luo Zhanglong's "Memories," saying that Wang Ming was arrested by the Shanghai Patrol Office, betrayed the "Red Flag" organ and Li Qiushi's address, and the enemy destroyed the organ but failed to arrest anyone. Wang Ming, who was a renegade, "promised to continue to serve and repay" in order to "redeem himself" and "allow the enemy". The next scene appeared in the "memories" of Xu Enzeng, a Kuomintang central tycoon, clearly recording the whole process of arresting and interrogating Xiang Zhongfa. It says that the "young man who whistleblost" mysteriously "disappeared" after receiving a "bonus". Then the inference of "killing people with a knife" is derived, and the only ones who are most likely to betray Xiang Zhongfa and benefit from it are "these returnees from Moscow, because they have no work history in the past, although they were able to take a seat in the 'central organ' because of Mifu's promotion, but the actual leadership is still in the hands of the original old cadres, Chen Shaoyu is young and vigorous, and his eyes are empty, of course, he is not willing to live under others for a long time, so he deliberately wants to squeeze out the existing group of leading figures, and the result is a scandal of self-betrayal." "Although the reasoning of the old spy Xu is professional, it is undoubtedly deliberately derogatory, as an expert in the secret communication song, Wang Ming should still have unspeakable hidden.
Loufordan
(2) Lu Futan: born in 1890, a worker in Shandong, joined the party in 1926, after the Comintern demanded a change of workers' leadership, he was elected as a member of the Central Committee at the "Sixth National Congress", a member of the Politburo at the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee, and in September he was appointed as a member of the Standing Committee of the Provisional Central Committee, leading the labor movement, and serving as the chairman of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions. In December 1932, he was arrested and betrayed, and joined the Kuomintang Central Unification Special Service (later became the head of the unit). After the founding of the People's Republic of China, he was captured and imprisoned by our side in 1951, and confessed to exposing Kang Sheng's defection and rescue process in 1930. This was leaked during the "Cultural Revolution", and in November 1969, Kang Sheng was secretly executed in prison. >
The Central Guard Division mentioned earlier is also called the Red Army Workers' Division. The working class was the leading class of the revolution, and it was generally believed that the workers were the most conscious, disciplined, and sacrificial and reliable force of the working class, and that this division was well equipped. Because a large number of backbone cadres have been transferred to combat units, leading organs, and responsible cadres one after another, and because of the unprecedented attrition in the anti-"encirclement and suppression" campaign, the Central Guard Division has only been established for half a year, and the remaining personnel are less than 30 percent. On February 28, 1934, the Military Commission reorganized it into the Red 23rd Division.
On September 21, before the Long March, the Military Commission issued an order to establish the Red Eighth Army Corps, which was composed of the Red 23rd Division (the Red 24th Division had been attached to the Red Ninth Army Corps) and the Red 21st Division, with a total of more than 7,000 people (some say more than 3,000). Since my father single-handedly formed the original guard (worker) division, the central government hurriedly transferred him back to form the Red Eighth Army.
The seat of the Fujian Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China -- the Chinese Christian Church
Halfway through the Battle of Songmaoling, the Central Revolutionary Military Commission sent an urgent telegram to Liu Shaoqi (secretary of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee and representative of the Central Committee of the Red Ninth Army Corps), Luo Binghui (commander of the Red Ninth Army Corps), and Cai Shufan (political commissar of the Red Ninth Army Corps) to return to Ruijin. sent Liu to the Red Eighth Army; The Central Committee of Gauluo and Cai had decided on the "strategic shift" of the Red Army and ordered it to hold on to Songmaoling to "gain time" and "cover the main force." Liu, Luo, and Cai quickly returned to the fire line. The Battle of Songmaoling is in full swing, and the commanders of the battle array collectively return to the DPRK to listen to the order, and it is such an order, which is incredible!
Liu Shaoqi immediately mobilized thousands of children from Jiangxi and Fujian to join the Red Eighth Army, and there are records that there were 11,000 people in the department (some sources record more than 7,000 people), but there were only 3,000 guns. On October 22, after the start of the Long March, Liu Shaoqi was appointed as the representative of the Central Committee to lead the Red Eighth Army.
As a little clarification, there is no such thing as a representative of the Central Committee at present. The deputies of the Central Committee represent the Central Committee, are higher than the army commanders and political commissars, and are generally members of the Politburo. At that time, the members of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee were small, and many major meetings clearly stipulated that alternate members had full voting powers.
At the beginning of the Long March, the Red Fifth, Red Eighth, and Red Ninth Army Corps were responsible for blocking the Kuomintang army that was chasing after them. This kind of battle is the most difficult to fight, with no backup, many sacrifices, and difficult to retreat. At this time, the fight was even more cruel and chaotic: the front army successfully broke through several blockade lines, and the middlemen could not walk on many narrow roads, especially a large number of baggage dragged down and struggled, and the blocking battle became a catastrophe! The Red Eighth Army had many recruits, few guns, and weak combat effectiveness, and the sacrifices of fighting and blocking were incalculable.
Above: In April 1934, Liu Shaoqi was appointed secretary of the Central Fujian Provincial Party Committee. The picture shows a letter from Luo Mai (Li Weihan) to Liu Shaoqi on the issue of expanding the Red Army in Fujian Province, published in Red China.
Looking back at the battlefield, I didn't see anyone returning, so I walked thousands of miles! The Eighth Army suffered heavy losses, and more than half of its personnel were reduced by those who fell behind and ran away.
On November 17, the Central Revolutionary Military Commission ordered: The Red Eighth Army Corps and the Red Ninth Army Corps were each merged into a division, and Liu Shaoqi was responsible for organizing the reorganization of the Red Eighth Army Corps. At that time, walking at night and fighting during the day, gathering those who had straggled, those who had escaped, those who took care of supplies, and those who housed the wounded became a pot of porridge. During this period, a rare absurd order popped up: the Red Eighth Army was all changed to baggage troops (that is, porters), and it was necessary to catch up with the troops in front. Walking around and fighting, suddenly the enemy caught up and intervened, and rows of soldiers and migrant workers escaped into the mountains and forests, or were captured on the spot, and the officers could not find the soldiers, and the soldiers could not find the officers, and there was no organization in the chaos. At this time, he received an urgent telegram from Commander-in-Chief Zhu De: throw away the baggage and rush to Xiangjiang with light equipment. The troops fought and retreated, and the situation can be imagined.
Crossing the river fragment, Uncle Chen Yun has vivid memories. As mentioned above, he and my father worked together in the white and red zones, and in modern terms they were old acquaintances who "took the team". Liu Shaoqi (37 years old) rushed to the Xiangjiang River ferry and happened to meet Chen Yun (30 years old), then the representative of the Central Committee of the Red Fifth Army. Liu said: Our troops are almost exhausted, and there are only 1,000 people left. Do you have anything to eat here? I haven't eaten in two days. Chen immediately gave his rations to Liu, and told him to eat while crossing the river, but he couldn't stand it, and once the bridge was blown up and the ship was sunk, he would not be able to cross it. At this time, both sides of the ferry were full of dead and wounded officers and soldiers, and there were living and dead bodies floating down the Xiangjiang River, which was terrible! The two old comrades-in-arms, in the midst of the continuous artillery fire and fighting shouts, how solemn and sad the mood will be! At the end of the war, the local people "did not drink the water of the Xiangjiang River in three months, and did not eat the fish of the Xiangjiang River for three years". Uncle Chen Yun sighed many times in his later years, and he remembered this period very deeply, it was the most dangerous and dangerous moment!
Above: On the evening of October 8, 1934, the Red Eighth Army Corps, which served as the rearguard mission, was ordered to withdraw from the battlefield in the northwest area of Gulonggang, Xingguo County, and pass through Yinkeng, Lingdu County, to Shefu in the south of Xingguo County to assemble and recuperate. The picture shows the crossing of the Wudu River by the Red Eighth Army - Mengkou Ferry in Lingdu County.
In remembrance of the elderly, the leader often shares the soul of the hero; There is zero water in the water, and the younger generation submits a book to the Xiangjiang River.
On December 1, after crossing the river, Zhang Yunyi, chief of staff of the corps, and Luo Ronghuan, director of the political department, named only more than 600 people in the entire Red Eighth Army Corps, and there were less than 1,000 gachauffers. Miraculously, he even brought over more than 100 precious documents and silver yuan!
When the Central Red Army set out, there were 86,000 people (including more than 5,000 people), and after the first battle of Xiangjiang, only 36,919 people remained. The Red Eighth Army was almost wiped out, and Liu Shaoqi fortunately received the order of Commander-in-Chief Zhu and rushed to the Xiangjiang River, but fortunately met Chen Yun to give him food to urge him to cross the river, otherwise his life would have been lost. How many blessings, it can be described as nine deaths and one life!
The Red Army passed through He Baozhen's hometown of Hunan Dao County, and his father knew that He Baozhen's mother had bravely died in the bleak autumn wind of Yuhuatai. After going through all kinds of hardships and hardships, being in this situation and getting this bad news, Liu Shaoqi's impact will be so intense! I'm afraid that it will be difficult for anyone to bear.
On December 13, the Central Revolutionary Military Commission decided to abolish the Red Eighth Army and merge it into the Red Fifth Army Corps. His father succeeded Chen Yun as the central representative of the Red Fifth Army.
The Red Eighth Army is the only regiment in the Long March that was almost completely wiped out and had to revoke its number, and its experience of hellish war on earth, it is unimaginable for today's people, and it has felt the extreme distortion of human nature, and the predecessors have been indescribable.
Above: The Central Red Army fought hard with the Kuomintang army for seven days and nights in the Battle of Xiangjiang, which broke through the last blockade line, and suffered heavy losses, from 86,000 at the time of departure to more than 30,000. This is a serious consequence of Bogu and Li De's practice of escapism. The picture shows the Xiangjiang River.
I try to observe and taste those who rushed across the Xiangjiang River and survived the Long March, they all have a great calm temperament and fearless spirit between their eyebrows!
Soon, the Zunyi Conference was held. My father fully supported Mao Zedong on the military line, sharply criticized Bogu, Li De, and Wang Ming, and for the first time put forward the "erroneous political line" of the Central Committee since the "87 Conference" at the Central Committee. Because this would obviously be traced to the Comintern, and the most urgent thing at that time was to correct the military line and solve the problem of military leadership, and no one at the meeting echoed Liu. There is an important memory from Bogu:
The third day of the meeting was still chaired by Bogu...... Liu Shaoqi, who had not been angry, spoke and demanded that the central authorities comprehensively inspect the degree of attention paid to the work in the white areas since the Fourth Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee, especially after the Fifth Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee, and whether the party's line in the white areas is correct. Liu said: I believe that the refusal to cooperate with the national bourgeoisie and the refusal to ally with the petty bourgeoisie in the white areas is 'leftist' and closed-door doctrine, and I have repeatedly instructed the underground party of the CPC in the white areas to actively organize urban strikes, school strikes, and riots in order to support the anti-'encirclement and suppression' in the Soviet areas and relieve the pressure of war in the Soviet areas. All these are erroneous manifestations of 'leftist' standardism on the political line. Regarding Liu Shaoqi's speech, Mao Zedong, Zhang Wentian, and Wang Jiaxiang did not express their position. Because they knew that on the political line, the policies of the Provisional Central Committee came from the Comintern, and Bogu simply followed the Comintern line and followed suit. If the political line is now erroneous, the spearhead of the struggle is not the Provisional Central Committee, but the Comintern. This was a matter of organizing principle, and led to the resentment of the Comintern, which did not recognize or approve the final outcome of the conference. That's why they all avoided talking about the political line. "
This narrative is by no means a corroborative commendation for Liu Shaoqi, obviously shirking responsibility for Bogu, and even seems to have a slight complaint about Mao, Liu and others, obviously from Bogu's recollection, who wants to make it up out of thin air? This is also in line with the meaning of Mao Zedong's later words.
Zhou Enlai informed Liu Shaoqi to participate in the telegram of the Zunyi Conference
Practice has proved that the choice of the Zunyi Conference is very wise. Mao Zedong later said, "Why can't you raise the question of the line? It is to divide their (Wang Ming) sect, which is a scene of our internal division in Zhujiazhuang." "The Zunyi Conference only focused on the military line, because the central government was in the Long March, and military leadership was the central issue. The settlement of the military leadership at that time was almost equal to the settlement of the political line"
Mao Zedong's "can't be proposed" remark that someone put forward it at that time. Who brought it up? During the "September Conference" in 1943 (a few days before Chairman Mao said the previous paragraph), Liu Shaoqi repeatedly talked about the issue of political line, recalling the great significance of the Zunyi Conference, "the shortcoming is that it did not solve the problem ideologically", and mentioned that he had raised the issue of line. During the "Cultural Revolution", I saw a big-character poster uploading and copying Chairman Mao's speech, saying that Liu Shaoqi had supported him at the Zunyi Conference, and accusing Wang Ming and Bogu of their line in the white area, and also saying that Luo Fu (Zhang Wentian) and Wang Jiaxiang had made great contributions and could not be denied all of them. After reading it, I ran home and told my parents as soon as possible. My father clearly admitted to many of our mothers and sons, and he proposed it at the Zunyi Conference, saying that Chairman Mao had long identified the "wrong political line" like him, and affirmed that Chairman Mao was right, and it was impossible to solve it at that time.
To sum up, I understand what my father meant: the Zunyi Conference "did not solve the problem ideologically", and naturally it was impossible to solve the "line problem". He and Chairman Mao have the same understanding of the wrong line, and sooner or later they will have to put it forward. At that time, there should be a consensus on the review of the work in the white zone, which had been exhausted, and it was not very sensitive.
罗荣桓
Judging from the actual results, although it is not possible to achieve it quickly, the serious mistake of attacking the red zone by denouncing the line of denouncing the white zone has strongly promoted the solution of the military issue. Chairman Mao said that "it cannot be proposed" not because he thinks that the content of the proposal is wrong, but from a strategic point of view, it is necessary to "implement internal division", and it cannot be ruled out that there is a tacit understanding in the middle. History has shown that Chairman Mao was right when he said that we should concentrate on solving the problems of the military line and military leadership, in fact, "it is almost equivalent to the solution of the political line."
Military leadership is mainly determined by the iron law of war and the results of actual combat: who can win the battle and move towards victory, who can bring the army out of a desperate situation, and who will lead. However, the political line had to be resolved step by step, and it was gradually corrected after many twists and turns.
More than 20 years ago, experts raised the issue of whether my father raised the line struggle at the Zunyi Conference, and asked me to ask Chairman Yang Shangkun. To be honest, I didn't pay much attention to it at the time. Because it has been verified and recognized, before the Zunyi Conference, Liu Shaoqi repeatedly protested against the "wrong line" of the Central Committee, until the party organization in the "white area" was completely lost. After the Long March, Liu Shaoqi was the first to put forward the "wrong political line" in the central government, and it was Liu Shaoqi who wrote many letters to Zhang Wentian, which still began with denouncing the mistakes of the white zone in the past. First of all, at the Central Committee meeting, it was Liu Shaoqi who made the keynote report of the White Zone Work Conference, Chairman Mao's key long statement set the tone, and Zhang Wentian, the "enlightened monarch" (Mao Zedong's language), made a summary and affirmed that his father was correct. In any case, Liu Shaoqi can be regarded as the "initiator", and whoever proposes it first does not exclude the prophetic prescience of others. On the contrary, Liu Shaoqi affirmed that Mao Zedong had identified the "wrong political line" as he had long before the Zunyi Conference, and after years of practical testing, he "made everyone mature in consciousness" (Mao Zedong's words) and "solved problems ideologically" (Liu Shaoqi's words), and gradually unified their understanding.
Above: In January 1935, Liu Shaoqi attended an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China in Zunyi, Guizhou, where he supported Mao Zedong's correct views. The picture shows the former site of the Zunyi Conference.
It was not until ten years after the Zunyi Conference that the "Resolution on Several Historical Issues" was adopted, which formally established the political line (including the "red zone" and the "white zone"), and thus opened up a new and glorious chapter in the history of the Chinese revolution!
After the Zunyi Conference, my father first returned to the Red Fifth Army Corps to convey the spirit of the meeting, and then to the Red Third Army Corps as required. In February 1935, the Central Committee ordered Liu Shaoqi to serve as director of the Political Department on the spot.
The commander of the Red Third Army Corps was Peng Dehuai, political commissar Yang Shangkun, and his father was the director of the Political Department, and he did not say that he was the representative of the Central Committee, so he should obey the corps commander and political commissar. Chairman Yang Shangkun saw me in his later years and said, "I know your father very well, and he studied abroad many years before us in Moscow. In 1930 he held an international trade union meeting in Moscow and stayed there, and I followed him, which was actually the equivalent of a secretary and translator. When I came back from the Soviet Union, I was in the Central Workers' Department, he was the minister, and I was the propaganda minister of the Workers' Department. In many places I have given him deputies or been under his leadership." I said, "When you were the political commissar of the Red Third Army, he was the director of the political department, and you also led him. The old man said: "At that time I remained in the General Political Department of the Red Army as deputy director, and I have not been there since he arrived in the Third Army Corps. Shaoqi is a member of the Politburo, and he is actually the leader of President Peng and me. Although there is no explicit notice that it is a representative of the Central Committee, there are still documents that are not documents during the Long March, just one sentence. Soon after, the Central Committee set up a grain raising committee, with him as the director and I as the deputy director. Recently, I read "Yang Shangkun's Memoirs", which is indeed a little strange, it seems to be related to the "Huili Conference Incident", what is the true meaning here? Give food for thought. Briefly, before the meeting, Lin Biao was dissatisfied with Mao Zedong's military command "not taking the bowstring and going to the bow", and wanted to recommend Peng Dehuai to replace Mao Zedong. Lin proposed over the phone, but Peng immediately refused.
Above: In June 1935, Liu Shaoqi attended a meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in Lianghekou, north of Maogong, Sichuan, to discuss the strategic policy after the merger of the Red First and Red Fourth Front Armies. The picture shows the site of the Two Estuaries Conference.
At the meeting in May 1935, this matter was poked out, and Mao Zedong severely criticized Lin Biao on the spot. Peng Dehuai has always been frank and speechless. Liu Shaoqi did not attend the meeting for some reason. No, at the "Lushan Conference" in 1959, Mao Zedong brought up the old matter again, and he was still very angry with Peng Dehuai. Interested parties may refer to the relevant works. In fact, during the years of the revolutionary war, no matter who led whom, it was normal.
On June 26, 1935, at the Lianghekou Conference, Liu Shaoqi resolutely supported Zhou Enlai's proposal that the Red First and Red Fourth Front armies go north to Sichuan, Shaanxi and Gansu, and advocated explaining to the troops the disadvantages of going south and the advantages of going north. Liu Shaoqi attended the Shawo Conference on 4 August, the Brazil Conference on 2 September, and the Russian Conference on 12 September, stressing "the party's absolute leadership over the Red Army," supporting Mao Zedong's report on rectifying the Red Front Army, and taking a clear-cut stand in supporting the Central Committee's opposition to Zhang Guotao's splittism and advocating the strengthening of unity among the First and Fourth Front Armies. During this period, Liu Shaoqi was also appointed as the director of the political department of the Red Army School, which followed Zhu De, Zhang Guotao, and Liu Bocheng to the Left Route Army, and his father stayed in the Right Route Army of the Party Central Committee.
Everyone knows that during the Long March, in addition to fighting with the enemy army that was chasing and intercepting them, the most important thing was how to solve the stomach problem. The further back you go, the bigger the problem, what to eat? Judging from the figures, in the nearly two months from the departure of the Long March to the crossing of the Xiangjiang River, the Red Front Army suffered about 60 percent losses, mainly due to casualties and scattering; In the second half of the journey, he lost another 80 percent, and the combat attrition was small, and most of them died of hunger and cold. My father went to the Red Third Army for a few months, climbed over snow-capped mountains, crossed grasslands, and established the Central Grain Committee in mid-July.
Since ancient times, the art of war has been dedicated to the head of the soldiers: "If there is not much accumulation, the soldiers will not work." Win with soldiers, food first. The grassland is in Tibet, the land is vast and sparsely populated, where to find food?
Nowadays, more and more people understand that the most popular reputation left by the Red Army is that the trade is fair, and there is no crime in the autumn! --Catch a chicken from the people's coop and put a piece of silver in it; Carry the grain, and write in large letters on the wall to borrow and return; open a warehouse and release grain, first to the destitute people; Moutai Town, which is deep in the wine alley, has left gold bricks. When Chiang Kai-shek heard this report, he was moved by it and strictly encouraged all his ministries to follow suit.
And how did this unprecedented "defeated surprise soldier" do it? Where did the gold bars and silver dollars come from? How many people have pondered and asked?
Two simple sentences: local party committees and soviets from the Soviet districts; Left from the soldiers of the Red Army, especially the fighters of the Red Eighth Army. During the Long March, most of the officers and soldiers received a few silver yuan, and some soldiers still carried this light life-saving money with body temperature until northern Shaanxi. Behind the famous and well-known stories of the Red Army, it is the real material support. The Red Army is not afraid of expeditions and difficulties, thousands of rivers and mountains are just waiting for leisure, and there is no logistics, how can it survive?
A soldier must not go without food for a day, and it is a matter of life and death for the whole army. The central government appointed Liu Shaoqi as such a grain raising officer, and he was once again ordered to be in danger. How many years, how many things, where are the most complicated, the most dangerous, and the most difficult to do, Liu Shaoqi will appear and take on the heavy responsibility. Those years were different from today's times, so it would be good to be an official for you? When ordered to be defeated, fight for one's life between danger and death, take responsibility for one's position, be scolded, charge, lose one's life, plead, remember, and repay for life! The blood worshippers are far more than Uncle Liu Cheng; Visit the lama temple in person, and now treasure the handwritten characters of Uncle Helong. Many years later, Uncle Mao and his father don't know how many times they sighed: We owe it to the Tibetan people to help us in the most difficult times!
In the magnificent revolutionary era, there are many people like Liu Shaoqi! Stand up, be wise and courageous, sacrifice your life for righteousness, dare to take responsibility, history has created that generation, regardless of hardships and hardships, dangers and dangers cannot be stopped, and birth and death are not afraid! They are the only group of elites who have grown up in the actual struggle, worked hard in their lives, and have been swept away by the great waves.
Above: Meadow – known as the mysterious Death Zone. There are no roads, no people, no clean water, no edible things. The river ditches under the grass are crisscrossed and swampy so dense that you can sink into the swamp if you are not careful.
According to later statistics, the 1st, 2nd, and 4th Front armies of the Red Army sacrificed more than 20,000 people across the grassland. On the grass, my father beckoned the troops to march back and forth, and immediately and decisively gave a small order: all the female soldiers were dispersed to the male soldiers' units, and the male soldiers took care of them. Until the end of the Long March, none of the female soldiers of the Red Army died, all of them survived! The seemingly insignificant measures taken by the director of the Grain Preparation Committee have won great glory for our old Red Army, which is praised and proud by everyone!
After arriving in northern Shaanxi, my father went to the Northern Bureau on behalf of the Party Central Committee before entering Yan'an. In the special environment of the Long March, the troops were very scattered and the ranks were long, in one regiment, not in the same column, and they did not know each other. Who walked the Long March and who didn't, they don't know each other very well. The long march is difficult, the road is difficult, and the road is divergent. No wonder some comrades in the central column did not know that Liu Shaoqi had participated in the Long March.
The sound of guns and cannons in Pine Ridge is tragic, and the shadow of the meadow galaxy is shaken. From the Red Ninth Army Corps, which fought the iconic Songmaoling Battle before the start of the Long March, the Red Eighth Army Corps, which served as the rear guard and sacrificed the heaviest losses in the early days of the Long March, the Red Fifth Army Corps and the Red Third Army Corps before and after the Zunyi Conference, the Central Grain Preparation Committee, and the Wayaobao Conference at the end of the Long March, my father fell in decline. Among the more than 7,000 people of the Red Army who arrived in northern Shaanxi, some joined halfway, and even fewer were like Liu Shaoqi.
After arriving at Wayaobao, I saw a report in an open newspaper about the "December 9th" student movement in Beiping (Beijing). There is also a patriotic student movement in the White Zone? We have always paid lip service to Wang Ming's "leftist" line and caused 90 percent of the losses in the "red zone" and 100 percent in the "white zone." In the Red Zone, the total number of the 1st, 2nd, and 4th Front Armies (including the Red 25th Army) before the march was about 10 percent in the end (including the Red 15th Army). The contact between the White Zone and the Party Central Committee had been cut off before the Long March, and when they arrived in northern Shaanxi, they could not be contacted by anyone, and they vaguely knew that there were three people working, but they only heard that the anti-imperialist work had been carried out, and it was indeed called "a 100 percent loss." At this time, it was discovered that there was still a student movement in the white area, was it led by the Communist Party? I don't know.
The central authorities immediately decided to contact them as soon as possible. Who is in charge? and it fell on the father. He is most familiar with the White District, and has presided over the Shunzhi Provincial Party Committee and served as the Secretary of the Manchuria Provincial Party Committee; He has a very deep understanding and the most abundant experience in leading the white area, and has a whole set of ideas and work ideas. Without a doubt, he is the most suitable. Simply ask Liu Shaoqi's opinion - this is "returning to the tiger's den"! He replied: If you don't enter the tiger's den, how can you get the tiger?
Above: In the spring of 1936, Liu Shaoqi was appointed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to leave northern Shaanxi and arrive in Tianjin, where he presided over the work of the Northern Bureau of the Communist Party of China as a representative of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. The picture shows the former site of the Northern Bureau of the Communist Party of China (now No. 19, Longtaili, Heilongjiang Road, Tianjin).
On December 29, the Politburo Standing Committee decided to appoint him as a representative of the Central Committee to preside over the work of the Northern Bureau.
His father's pseudonym is Hufu, and he understands himself as Hufu's intention to ride and shoot and fight against foreign enemies. On January 17, 1936, after the meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, he rushed to Pingjin (Beijing) and Tianjin, and bravely stepped into hell alone. For Liu Shaoqi, the "Long March" continues to move forward, shouldering new responsibilities and embarking on a long journey to the sky.
At this time, my father married Xie Fei's (1913-2013) mother. Xie is a native of Wenchang, Hainan, formerly known as Qiongxiang. In 1927, he went to Guangdong Sixth Normal School (Hainan) to participate in the revolutionary organization and join the regiment, and in July he changed to the party, and was later sent by the CCP to work in Hong Kong, Singapore and other places. Xie had heard that the leaders of the peasant movement were Peng Pai and Mao Zedong, and the leaders of the workers' movement were Li Lisan and Liu Shaoqi. In 1932, she returned to China to work in Fuzhou and Xiamen as an underground party, and in 1934 she worked as a secretary in the Political Security Bureau of the Central Soviet District. During the Long March, he met Liu and left a deep impression on each other, and later got married by the eldest sister in the party. Because the work in the white area requires mutual assistance from husband and wife, it is not only convenient for the work to be arranged with helpers, but also conducive to the safety and security of the cover, and walk with the father.
"Out of the plug and into the plug, everywhere yellow reed grass", probe, contact, fast, wisdom to ...... Wang Lin, secretary general of the Hebei Provincial Party Committee at that time, recalled in his later years: When he went to the Beiyang Hotel in Tianjin, he saw a scholar, holding the "Central Daily" of the day as the joint code, silently following each other, signaling to sit opposite each other, and slowly handwriting the three words "Liu Shaoqi" on the glass plate of the coffee table...... The news came back to the Northern Bureau--the hometown came to get acquainted with the elders--that excitement! At this time, my father knew that the Northern Bureau was still stationed in Tianjin, and there was only one Hebei Provincial Party Committee (Northern Bureau) left, limited to the Pingjin area, and there were only more than 30 party members.
There is no contact across the country.
Lin Feng, secretary of the Beiping Municipal Party Committee at the time of "12.9", had just been transferred to Tianjin as secretary. After his father inquired about the situation in various aspects, he transferred Lin Feng to Liu Shaoqi's liaison, and later became the full-time secretary of the CPC Central Committee, and Li Tiefu, a DPRK internationalist revolutionary, took over as secretary of the Tianjin Municipal Party Committee. Soon, his father sent Li Baohua, the son of Li Dazhao, to take over as secretary of the Beiping Municipal Party Committee. Guo Mingqiu, a student of Beiping No. 1 Girls' Middle School and the executive chairman of the underground party's hidden "12.9" Student Federation, pretended to be husband and wife with Lin Feng, but actually worked as a translator and telegrapher, working closely with his father and Xie Fei's mother.
My father forgot to sleep and eat, and talked with the leaders of the Northern Bureau day and night. "Lao Shunzhi" Peng Zhen was immediately appointed as the representative of the Northern Bureau in eastern Hebei. Under the leadership of Liu Shaoqi, Peng Zhen, Lin Feng, Li Tiefu, Li Baohua, and Guo Mingqiu were the key figures in successfully promoting the "December 9" movement to the whole country.
In the midst of the White Terror, a myriad of tasks were busy: restoring organizations at all levels and liaising with provincial party committees across the country; convey the central government's policy of "stopping the civil war and unanimously resisting Japan"; Zhou Xiaozhou, director of the Propaganda Department of the Peiping City CPC Committee, and Lu Zhenyu, a professor at the Chinese University, were secretly sent to Nanjing to contact the highest Kuomintang authorities and meet with Song Ziwen and Chen Lifu to negotiate a "joint resistance against Japan." This was the first formal secret negotiation between our party and the KMT. The most important task is to widely publicize the propositions, vigorously carry out the mass movement, and guide the student movement.
The most important thing is to resolutely eradicate the deep-rooted stubborn disease of "leftism." Liu Shaoqi shouted loudly: "Closed-door doctrine and adventurism are the main dangers in the party at present"! He published a series of articles on "exposing and criticizing the bad traditions of the past and negating the erroneous principles of the past" and "thoroughly changing the future work of the party and the masses."
In order to be safe, reliable and efficient, each job must be contacted in a single line, interviewed individually, arranged separately, and repeatedly arranged. My father worked all night and day without a moment's delay, rallying the party's organizations at all levels in the white areas to resist Japan, quickly reversing the work of the Northern Bureau, leading the masses of the people, setting off an upsurge of salvation, and developing the party's organizations.
Above: On June 13, 1936, students and citizens of major and secondary schools in Beiping held a huge anti-Japanese rally in front of the Drum Tower.
These jobs seem to be far away from the smoke of gunpowder, but in the final analysis, aren't they just for national defense and military affairs? The so-called "correct line in the white zone" is to defend Huang Baohua and protect the country for the people!
At the beginning of the "December 9" Movement, the slogan shouted by the students was to defend North China and recover Northeast China. Liu Shaoqi is completely sure that he will take advantage of the situation and promote it to the whole country. In the mass movement, he abstained from adventurous radical practices, avoided sacrifice as much as possible, and preserved the living forces. He published an article sharply and bluntly denounced: In the past, the commemorative festival almost became a "Sunday" for adventurists in our party...... We can't stop being hit hard by the enemy...... Regardless of the rain or cloud, "the loss of past memorial festivals is incalculable."
At the same time, my father resolutely overcame the problem of "closing the door" and united the greatest number of people to establish the broadest united front: openly organized progressive groups such as the "National Liberation Vanguard", opened the door to people who wanted to join, and the Communist Party selected the best among them and secretly recruited a large number of new members. Liu Shaoqi believes that the Communist Party must have open activities, and it cannot be all secret, but must be distinguished. "We must use all methods and all open possibilities to extensively contact and organize" the masses, so as to enhance the party's appeal among the masses, otherwise the Communist Party will lose the meaning of its existence. Our banner is anti-Japanese resistance, and we must unite and pull as many parties and mass organizations as possible.
My father led the organization of the National Salvation Federation from all walks of life in North China, and went to Shanghai to convene various national salvation organizations across the country to establish the Federation. Shen Junru, Zou Taofen, Tao Xingzhi, Shi Liang, Sha Qianli, Zhang Naiqi, etc. are directors. At that time, the organization of the Communist Party was highly secretive, and the mass democracy movement, "especially the national salvation activities of the student cultural circles, more or less broke through the strict restrictions of some rulers, and made the secret work of the Party and the open and semi-public activities of the masses...... Re-fitting ...... to conceal the Party organization from the broad masses...... developed the organization of the party",
This set of ideas and practices of my father was put forward and successfully practiced as early as the Shunzhi Provincial Party Committee, the Manchuria Provincial Party Committee, and the "28 January" period in Shanghai. It is a pity that it suffered a "ruthless blow" from its own people in the party. At this time, a series of "radical changes" in guiding ideology and strategies quickly straightened out the number of work paths, showing amazing results. is amazing, and he insisted on letting Xiucai go to the soldiers and explain the reason.
Originally, the students of the "December 9" Movement shouted to bring down the traitor Song Zheyuan and the traitor. Song Zheyuan, chairman of the Jicha Autonomous Political Affairs Committee and commander of the 29th Army of the Kuomintang, ordered the bombing, confinement of the nine gates, and the opening of warnings. The father immediately ordered the cessation of the "flying rallies" and "coffin-carrying processions" of the past, and demanded that the party
Above: In order to consolidate and develop the victorious achievements of the "December 9" Movement, Liu Shaoqi promptly corrected the "leftist" bias in the Pingjin student movement, pointing out that it is necessary to treat the school authorities and teachers correctly; Treat the 29th Army correctly. He also changed the slogan of "Down with the traitor Song Zheyuan" shouted by the students in the past into the slogan of "supporting the 29th Army to resist Japan." In this way, Song Zheyuan's antagonistic attitude towards the student movement was changed to a considerable extent, and the anti-Japanese enthusiasm of the officers and men of the 29th Army was aroused, so that the student movement won widespread support and more rapid development. The picture shows students in Beiping holding up slogans welcoming the 29th Army's resistance to Japan and carrying out anti-Japanese propaganda on the streets.
Organizations at all levels took the initiative to lead teachers and students to change the slogan of "Down with the traitors" into "Unite to resist Japan." First, the "528" 10,000-person march in Tianjin was successful, and Song Zheyuan published a statement in the newspaper, saying that "it is inconvenient to ban it."
On June 13, 1936, 10,000 students in Peking took to the streets. Uncle Liu Jie, then secretary of the party committee in the western suburbs of Beiping, recounted that Song Zheyuan was passing by, squinting his eyes and carefully looking at the leaflets stuffed into the car window, and he was impressed with the words "support Chairman Song to resist Japan" and "support the 29th Army to resist Japan". At this time, Song became excited and sent Qin Dechun, the mayor of Beiping, to summon the students to show their support, "When they gathered in Jingshan, tens of thousands of people sang the same national salvation anthem." Song himself also received an impromptu speech from the representatives of teachers and students: Students, you don't know, I am fighting the sun at Xifengkou! Lao Tzu fought Japan and had blood! A few impassioned words, cheers, and tears moved him himself. In an instant, the entire 29th Army and the North China government were all turned around, and the anti-Japanese movement changed from illegal to legal! The police and gendarmerie maintain traffic order, and all sectors of society show solidarity and support.
Yao Yilin (right) and Song Ping (left)
My father immediately instructed the underground party to take advantage of the situation and mobilize teachers, students, and people to go to the barracks to support the army. Uncle Yao Yilin and Uncle Song Ping recalled to the author that the 29th Army welcomed, invited students to camp and ride horses, and performed big swords for everyone, and a series of anti-Japanese literary and artistic works such as "Big Swords Cut Off the Heads of Devils" were vigorously handed down. The underground party carefully organized the students to go to the Beiping Gendarmerie and other Northeast Army to perform "Go Back to Your Hometown", "Put Down Your Whip", and the song "On the Songhua River" -- weeping and tears full of rain in the barracks!
At this time, the "National Liberation Vanguard" (Peng Zhen directly led the corps headquarters) vigorously advocated by his father also developed rapidly, and branches were established throughout the country and even in Paris, Tokyo and other places. The fiery anti-Japanese democracy movement and military movement swept the whole country, and the grand occasion was unprecedented, and "March of the Volunteers" swept China! Young friends, please keep in mind that when China was at its most dangerous, millions of young people rushed to the battlefield of resistance against Japan and sang our national anthem today - Sonic Shock Huanyu!
Song Zheyuan was impulsive and took a division to Tiananmen Square to demonstrate. The underground party quickly organized the masses and the students to welcome them. I thought it would be enough to go around Tiananmen Square in such a circle, but the army couldn't come down the street full of people, and I had never seen such a warm scene, cheering and wearing red flowers along the street. A few hundred cavalry is really good, and it was only over when they were sent to the Great Wall. The military and civilians are happy! Yan'an sent Zhang Jingwu as a liaison representative, secretly stationed in the 29th Army, to do united front work and promote anti-Japanese resistance. After that, accompanied by Zhang Youyu of the Northern Bureau, Zhang Jingwu quickly met Fu Zuoyi, chairman of Suiyuan Province; Contact Yan Xishan to reach "three agreements"; Contact Han Fuqu in Shandong, Liu Xiang in Sichuan and other local powerful factions to jointly resist Japan.
Liu Shaoqi, who was called by Mao Zedong as an "experienced" doer who "understands the dialectics of practical work", was also praised as a theoretician by the party. During this period, my father wrote and published a large number of articles. For example, "A Letter to the Communists" dated April 13, 1936, "Two Letters on the Question of the Popular Front" dated May and June 1936, "My View on the Significance of this Literary and Artistic Controversy" dated September 25, 1936, "The Basic Principles of the National United Front" dated November 20, 1936, "On Chiang Kai-shek's Restoration of Freedom and the Peaceful Settlement of the Xi'an Incident" dated December 26, 1936, and "The Significance of the Xi'an Incident and the Situation Afterward" dated January 1, 1937. On February 26, 1937, in the magazine "The Line of Fire" of the Northern Bureau, articles such as "A Question on the Historical Lessons of the Great Revolution" were published internally. In order to unify the thinking and coordinate the steps, the father's theory is not complicated: strive to know oneself and the other, and change the strategy with the trend.
Above: In order to shift the party's work in the white areas to the correct line as soon as possible and strengthen the education of the party's united front policy, Liu Shaoqi wrote many articles and party teaching materials. He made it clear that it was necessary to "make the necessary concessions to those allies who are willing to cooperate with us, to attract them to join us in common action, and then to influence them and win over the masses below them". The picture shows some of the articles.
Urging the top and bottom to have the same desire, we will definitely have a successful career.
In less than half a year, with the change in the mode of struggle, the entire revolutionary situation changed abruptly, and the correctness of the line was soon tested by practice: the people's anti-Japanese enthusiasm and sense of salvation resonated with the army and pulled the government around, and the sky changed greatly in the blink of an eye. Why did our party not do much of this kind of work in the past, instead of doing some work that the masses did not understand, contradicted all walks of life, and even seriously antagonized and extremely dangerous? If our proposition is correct, why can't we get the support of the masses? Obviously, our strategy, methods, and slogans are wrong, or even the opposite. The Communist Party does its work in order to unite the people's hearts and win the support of everyone.
When the masses are mobilized and the united front is formed, "the central question is the struggle of the proletariat for leadership," Liu Shaoqi wrote, "the proletariat must be truly and unwaveringly independent on its own, and then it can unite with others on an equal footing." Otherwise, "you can't unite with others, you can only use them." "
The truth that seems so clear today has made our party truly understand how much blood and life we have to pay and how much hardship we have to go through. Many good comrades have even lost their heads by their own people because they put forward or insisted on correct propositions. At that time, there was also strong opposition within the party, and Ke Qingshi complained a lot, saying that this "old right" was too right. My father asked rhetorically, why is it wrong to protect the country and save the nation? The main task of our party is to mobilize and lead all the people to resist Japan and save the country! Without hesitation, Liu Shaoqi decisively replaced Ke Qingshi, and at the end of summer, appointed Peng Zhen as the head of the Organization Department of the Northern Bureau. At the juncture of rise and fall, the party's leadership: know the evil and be good, and choose the good to eliminate the inferior. My father did his duty and made great use of his talents to promote the realization of a historic "complete transformation"!