Above the Southern Song Dynasty, Qin Hui can be described as a generation of traitors who leaned towards the government and the opposition. However, beside the powerful prime minister, there are two mysterious figures that have caused a lot of speculation among future generations. They are Qin Hui's two big managers - one fat and one thin, one is positive and one is one. These two characters loom in the long river of history, what kind of existence do they have? What are their official positions? How is it different from the great butler we often hear about?
1. The power center of Qin Hui: the origin of the prime minister's governor
In the eleventh year of Shaoxing (1141), Qin Hui was appointed as the prime minister by Song Gaozong as a meritorious servant. Since then, this former subordinate has begun his road to autocratic power for more than ten years. However, the pinnacle of power was not without its challenges. Early one morning in the twentieth year of Shaoxing (1150), Qin Hui was preparing to enter the court as usual, but was attacked by assassins on the way. Although this assassination attempt failed, this incident deeply stimulated Qin Hui and made him realize that his situation was not as safe as he imagined.
This assassination became a turning point in the political ecology of the Southern Song Dynasty. From then on, Qin Hui became more cautious, and he began to greatly strengthen the security measures of the Prime Minister's Mansion. With high walls and deep courtyards, heavily guarded, the Prime Minister's Mansion has become an impregnable fortress. Not only that, Qin Hui also changed the way he handled government affairs. He no longer easily met with other officials, and even rarely attended court meetings, but passed instructions in writing.
This practice has historically been known as "backroom politics". Qin Hui hid himself behind many barriers and manipulated the government through a small group of cronies. It was in this context that the role of the prime minister's governor came into being, and gradually became the core figure of Qin Hui's power center.
The Governors have multiple roles. First of all, they are Qin Hui's eyes and ears, responsible for collecting the movements of all parties in the DPRK and China, and providing Qin Hui with a basis for decision-making. Secondly, they are Qin Hui's mouthpiece, conveying Qin Hui's will to the ministers of the court. Moreover, they are also Qin Hui's gatekeepers, strictly controlling the personnel who can access Qin Hui.
Over time, the importance of the Grand Steward has become more and more prominent. They were not only Qin Hui's personal assistants, but also became important figures in the political situation of the Southern Song Dynasty. The ministers of the DPRK and China soon realized that in order to get close to Qin Hui, they had to curry favor with these governors first. As a result, various exchanges of interests and collusion of power are frequently staged in secret.
It is worth noting that the Grand Governor, despite his great power, does not have a formal official position. Their status was completely dependent on Qin Hui, which also made them more loyal than ordinary officials. Qin Hui is well versed in the principle of "employing people without suspicion, and suspecting people without suspicion", he gives these chief managers great trust and power, and at the same time closely monitors their every move.
In this particular political ecology, the Prime Minister's Office has gradually evolved into a unique group. They were different from ordinary domestic servants and officials of the court. They wander on the edge of power, but they deeply influence the direction of power. They were an important pillar of the Qin Hui political empire and a special group in the history of the Southern Song Dynasty that deserves in-depth study.
As Qin Hui's power continued to expand, so did the influence of the governor of the Prime Minister's Mansion. They began to participate in some important political decisions, and even exercised power in place of Qin Hui in some aspects. This phenomenon aroused the resentment of some loyal ministers, who believed that these people who did not hold official positions should not meddle in the government's affairs. However, under the protection of Qin Hui, these chief managers still went their own way and became a group of people who had to be paid attention to by both the government and the opposition.
Second, the general manager He Li: Qin Hui's right-hand man
Among Qin Hui's many cronies, He Li is undoubtedly the most eye-catching. As the head of the Prime Minister's Mansion, He Li is not only Qin Hui's right-hand man, but also the core figure of the entire Prime Minister's Mansion. His background, abilities, and status and responsibilities in the Prime Minister's Mansion are worthy of in-depth discussion.
He Li's background was not prominent, he was originally just an ordinary domestic servant in Qin Hui's mansion. However, with his keen insight and excellent work ability, He Li soon attracted Qin Hui's attention. In the process of dealing with a dispute in the Fuzhong, He Li showed extraordinary wisdom and skill, not only successfully solving the problem, but also avoiding the further deterioration of the situation. This incident made Qin Hui see He Li's potential, and he began to reuse him from then on.
As time passed, He Li's status in the Prime Minister's Mansion continued to rise. He has gradually become Qin Hui's most trusted confidant from an ordinary domestic servant. He Li's responsibilities also expanded, from initially managing the daily affairs of the palace, to later participating in some government affairs, and finally becoming Qin Hui's personal adviser. In this process, He Li showed excellent learning ability and adaptability, and quickly mastered the skills of handling complex government affairs.
As the head of the Prime Minister's Office, He Li's daily work can be said to be tedious and arduous. Every morning, he had to report to Qin Hui the important matters of the previous day and the arrangements of the day. He then had to deal with a mountain of paperwork involving reports from various departments of the DPRK and China, memoranda of local officials, and various petitions. He Li needed to read these documents carefully, sift through the important information, and then report to Qin Hui.
In addition to handling day-to-day affairs, He Li is also responsible for receiving visiting officials and important people. In the case that Qin Hui was reluctant to meet with guests, He Li often needed to meet with these people on behalf of Qin Hui. In the process, He Li showed superb communicative skills and political wisdom. He was able to skillfully maneuver between the forces of all sides, not only offending anyone, but also safeguarding Qin Hui's interests.
One of He Li's most important responsibilities is to participate in the major decisions of the Prime Minister's Office. On some key issues, Qin Hui often consulted He Li's opinion. For example, in the process of handling Yue Fei's case, He Li played an important role. He was not only involved in the investigation and trial of the case, but also provided key evidence in the final conviction process. Although this approach was controversial in later generations, it is undeniable that He Li showed superb political skill in the process.
He Li's ability is not limited to handling government affairs, he also has a unique talent in intelligence gathering. He has established his own intelligence network in both the DPRK and the localities, and has been able to obtain all kinds of important information in a timely manner. This information not only helped Qin Hui grasp the movements of the DPRK and China, but also allowed him to respond to various potential threats in a timely manner.
However, He Li's power has also caused dissatisfaction among some people. Some courtiers believed that as a person without a formal official position, He Li should not interfere in court affairs. But under Qin Hui's protection, these critical voices did not have a substantial impact on He Li. On the contrary, as time went on, He Li's influence in the court became more and more significant.
He Li's success also inspired other ministers to work. Many people began to emulate He Li's way of doing things, hoping to be favored by Qin Hui. This has improved the overall efficiency of the prime minister to some extent, but it has also intensified competition within the prime minister's office.
In general, He Li, as Qin Hui's right-hand man, played an extremely important role in the political arena of the Southern Song Dynasty. His presence not only strengthened Qin Hui's power, but also had a profound impact on the political ecology of the entire Southern Song Dynasty. Although He Li's actions were criticized in later generations, it is undeniable that his talent and skills were indeed outstanding at that time.
3. Wang Jun, the chief manager: Qin Hui's invisible power agent
In Qin Hui's inner circle of power, in addition to the high-profile chief He Li, there is also an equally important but little-known figure - deputy chief Wang Jun. Different from He Li's high-profile style, Wang Jun is more like a hidden trader behind the scenes, silent but far-reaching.
Wang Jun's background is even more humble than He Li. Originally, he was just a handyman in charge of cleaning the gardens in Qin Hui's mansion. However, the turning point of fate came on an ordinary autumn day. At that time, Qin Hui was walking in the garden when he suddenly tripped over a loose stone. Wang Jun happened to be working nearby, so he quickly stepped forward to help Qin Hui up, and wittily used his own clothes to cushion the ground and let Qin Hui sit down and rest. This small move attracted Qin Hui's attention.
In the following days, Qin Hui began to secretly observe Wang Jun. He found that this unremarkable handyman was actually clever and clever, and he was meticulous and thoughtful. What's more, Wang Jun has extraordinary powers of observation and judgment. He is keenly aware of all kinds of subtle changes in the palace and makes accurate predictions.
Taking a fancy to these qualities of Wang Jun, Qin Hui decided to promote him. Wang Jun was transferred to Qin Hui's study, responsible for sorting out documents and taking care of daily affairs. In the process, Wang Jun has shown an amazing ability to learn. Not only did he quickly master the art of paperwork, but he also gradually accumulated a wealth of political knowledge by reading various documents.
As time went on, Wang Jun's status in the prime minister's mansion continued to rise. He was gradually promoted from an ordinary clerical assistant to Qin Hui's personal secretary, and finally became the deputy head of the Prime Minister's Mansion. Unlike He Li, Wang Jun has always maintained a low-key style. He was rarely seen in the public eye, and even many courtiers were unaware of his existence.
As the deputy governor, Wang Jun's main responsibility is to assist He Li in handling the daily affairs of the Prime Minister's Mansion. But in reality, the scope of his work is much more than that. Wang Jun's most important role is Qin Hui's intelligence chief. He built a vast and covert intelligence network that spread to all corners of the DPRK and China. Through this network, Wang Jun was able to grasp the movements of various forces and provide an important reference for Qin Hui's decision-making.
Another important duty of Wang Jun is to deal with some secret missions. These missions often involve sensitive political issues and require a high degree of secrecy. For example, in the process of handling Yue Fei's case, Wang Jun played a key role. He was not only involved in the collection and falsification of evidence, but was also responsible for arranging false witnesses. All this work was carried out in secret, and even He Li did not fully know.
In addition to these secret missions, Wang Jun was also responsible for managing Qin Hui's private property. He is well-versed in financial management and is good at running a variety of business investments. Under his stewardship, Qin Hui's private wealth grew rapidly, becoming an important backing for his political power.
Wang Jun's abilities are not limited to carrying out tasks, he is also an excellent strategist. In some major decisions, Wang Jun is often able to put forward unique insights. For example, in the process of dealing with the main battle faction, Wang Jun suggested adopting a strategy of division and disintegration, rather than direct confrontation. This suggestion was adopted by Qin Hui and achieved remarkable results.
Despite his important position in the Prime Minister's Mansion, Wang Jun has always maintained a cautious and low-key style. He rarely participates in public and does not associate much with other officials. This approach not only reduces the risk of being targeted, but also allows him to focus more on serving Qin Hui.
The existence of Wang Jun balances the power structure of the Prime Minister's Mansion to a certain extent. He formed a complementary relationship with He Li: He Li was responsible for external affairs and handled public affairs; Wang Jun, on the other hand, is responsible for the internal and covert tasks. This division of labor made the operation of the prime minister more efficient and hidden.
However, Wang's low-key style has also brought some problems. Due to the lack of public appearances, some courtiers began to question Wang Jun's existence and power. Some people even believe that Wang Jun is just a fictitious character made up by Qin Hui in order to cover up some of his behaviors. Although these doubts did not affect Wang Jun's actual work, they also increased the mystery and opacity of the prime minister's house to a certain extent.
In general, Wang Jun, as Qin Hui's invisible power agent, played an extremely special and important role in the political arena of the Southern Song Dynasty. His presence not only strengthened Qin Hui's power base, but also provided us with a unique perspective on the political ecology of the time.
Fourth, the composition and operation of the staff team
Qin Hui's power system not only relies on the two core figures He Li and Wang Jun, but also has a large and efficient staff team as support. The composition of this team is complex, covering professionals in various fields, and together they constitute the think tank and executive body of Qin Hui's rule.
The organizational structure of the staff team can be roughly divided into five parts: the government affairs group, the clerical group, the intelligence group, the finance team and the logistics team. Each group has its own specific responsibilities and specialized talents.
The government affairs team is the core of the entire staff team and is responsible for assisting Qin Hui in handling government affairs. Most of the members of this group are veteran ministers who are well versed in politics, and most of them have rich political experience. For example, Li Yan, who used to serve in the Privy Council, is one of the important members of the government affairs team. Li Yan is proficient in the art of war and has unique views on border affairs. When formulating the policy towards Jin, Li Yan put forward practical suggestions on many occasions, which won Qin Hui a lot of political capital.
Another important member of the government affairs team is Zhang Nan, a former Hanlin scholar. Zhang Nan was very knowledgeable and had an outstanding writing style, and often drafted important documents and edicts for Qin Hui. In a controversy involving the reform of the imperial examination, Zhang Nan, with his profound academic skills, prepared a detailed reform plan for Qin Hui, and successfully persuaded the ministers of the DPRK and China to promote the implementation of the reform.
The clerical section is mainly responsible for handling day-to-day documents and records. Most of the members of this group are young jinshi, who are outstanding in learning and write fluently. The work of the clerical team may seem mundane, but it is actually extremely important. They not only had to sort out and archive a large number of government documents, but also prepare various reports and speeches for Qin Hui. The leader of the clerical group was a young talent named Zhao Ming, who had passed the imperial examination with a first-place score. Zhao Ming worked diligently and often stayed up all night working on documents. At an important court meeting, Zhao Ming prepared a detailed report on an improvised basis, which helped Qin Hui successfully deal with the opposition's suspicions.
BFIPU is the most mysterious part of the staff. The identity of the members of this group was kept secret, and they were scattered in various departments of the DPRK and China, and even infiltrated the local officials and businessmen. The main task of the firing group is to collect all kinds of political and economic information to provide a basis for Qin Hui's decision-making. The head of the intelligence unit is a middle-aged man named Sun Yuan, a former businessman with an extensive network of contacts. Sun Yuan was good at using various channels to obtain information, and the information he provided helped Qin Hui resolve political crises many times.
The finance team is responsible for managing Qin Hui's private property and the daily expenses of the prime minister's mansion. Most of the members of this group are businessmen who are well-versed in financial management. The finance team not only had to ensure the day-to-day operation of the Prime Minister's Mansion, but also to increase Qin Hui's private wealth through various investments. The central figure of the finance team is an old man named Qian Shi, who was once one of the richest businessmen in Hangzhou. Under Qian Shi's management, Qin Hui's wealth grew, providing strong economic support for his political activities.
The logistics team is responsible for the day-to-day affairs of the Prime Minister's Office, including meal arrangements, security work, etc. The members of this group seem to have a low status, but they are actually the closest to Qin Hui's daily life, and sometimes they can obtain unexpected and important information. The head of the logistics team was a middle-aged man named Wang An, who used to be the housekeeper of the palace. Wang An is meticulous and thoughtful, and has resolved embarrassing situations on important occasions many times.
Although each of these five groups has its own division of labor, it does not operate completely independently. There are complex connections and interactions between them. For example, the information collected by BFIPU is passed on to the government affairs group, which analyzes and makes decisions; The clerical group is responsible for translating these decisions into official documents. This close collaboration ensures that the entire staff team can function efficiently.
The staff team's day-to-day work usually starts early in the morning. Every day at dawn, the leaders of each group gather in the council hall of the Prime Minister's House to report on the previous day's work and plans for the day. Qin Hui will give various instructions at this time. Each group then starts their day as planned.
In the event of a major incident, the staff team will operate more closely. For example, in the case of Yue Fei, the administrative affairs team is responsible for formulating the overall strategy, the firing unit is responsible for collecting all kinds of evidence against Yue Fei, and the clerical team is responsible for drafting various documents. The whole team is like a precision machine, all parts are in harmony, and finally successfully achieve Qin Hui's goal.
The existence of the staff team not only improves the efficiency and accuracy of Qin Hui's decision-making, but also greatly enhances its execution. This team is like Qin Hui's thousand hands and thousands of eyes, enabling him to fully control the government and deal with all kinds of complex situations. However, this large team of staff has also raised some questions. It has been argued that such informal institutions of power may interfere with normal political operations and influence the decision-making process of the imperial court.
5. The influence and legacy of the Qin juni's power system
The power system constructed by Qin Hui had a profound impact on Southern Song politics, not only during his reign, but even many years after his death. The operation and structure of this power system changed the political ecology of the Southern Song Dynasty to some extent, and left many questions worth exploring for future generations.
First of all, Qin Hui's power system changed the traditional mode of operation of the imperial court. Before him, the imperial court relied mainly on a formal bureaucracy for decision-making. But Qin Hui introduced an informal decision-making mechanism, that is, relying on his own staff team to deal with national affairs. While this approach increases the efficiency of decision-making, it also weakens the role of the formal bureaucracy. For example, when dealing with border defense issues, Qin Hui often bypassed the military headquarters and directly let his staff formulate strategies. As a result of this practice, the functions of the Ministry of War were greatly weakened, and even reduced to rubber stamps.
Secondly, Qin Hui's power system strengthened the relative power and weakened the imperial power. As the prime minister, Qin Hui should assist the emperor in governing the country. But in fact, he controlled all aspects of government through his own power network. Although Emperor Gaozong was nominally the supreme ruler, he could only follow Qin Hui's advice in many major decisions. For example, in terms of policy toward Jin, Gaozong was originally inclined to fight the main war, but under the influence of Qin Hui, he finally adopted an attitude of compromise and peace. This situation led to a substantial weakening of imperial power.
Moreover, Qin Hui's power system changed the promotion path of officials. Traditionally, the promotion of officials has been based mainly on imperial examinations and political achievements. But during Qin Hui's reign, the promotion of officials depended more on whether they were favored by Qin Hui. This situation has led to the rapid rise of some officials with mediocre ability but good at pandering, while some officials who are talented but not good at pleasing their superiors have been sidelined. For example, the famous writer Lu You was relegated to a remote area because he was unwilling to flatter.
In addition, Qin Hui's power system also influenced the cultural atmosphere of the Southern Song Dynasty. In order to consolidate his rule, Qin Hui exercised strict control over the cultural world. He pursued a series of cultural policies that encouraged works that celebrated virtue and suppressed criticism of current politics. Although this practice has maintained the stability of the regime in the short term, it has also inhibited the free development of thought. For example, the famous physicist Zhu Xi was excluded from the imperial court because his ideas did not agree with Qin Hui's ruling philosophy.
After Qin Hui's death, the system of power he established did not immediately collapse. On the contrary, the effects of this system will continue for quite some time. Many of the officials who once followed Qin Hui still occupy important positions, and they continue to run the government in the same way as Qin Hui did. For example, Qin Hui's aide Zhang Nan still maintained considerable influence after Qin Hui's death and played an important role in the subsequent political struggle.
However, as time passed, the drawbacks of the Qin juni's power system gradually emerged. The first is the deterioration of the atmosphere of officialdom. Since the promotion of officials mainly relied on the relationship rather than the actual ability, the number of mediocre people in the court increased. The second is the decline in the quality of decision-making. As the formal bureaucracy is hollowed out, many decisions are not sufficiently discussed and justified, and are often biased. Moreover, there are many complaints from the people. Although Qin Hui's policy of compromise brought peace for the time being, it also aroused discontent among the people.
These problems gradually accumulated in the years following Qin Hui's death, and eventually erupted after Xiaozong's accession to the throne. Xiaozong took a series of measures to try to correct the shortcomings left over from the Qin Hui period. He reactivated a group of capable ministers who were excluded by Qin Hui, such as Zhang Jun, Hu Quan and others. At the same time, he set about reforming the bureaucracy and trying to restore the role of formal institutions. These measures have improved the political ecology to a certain extent, but some of the influences of the Qin juni's power system still exist.
It is worth noting that some of the practices of the Qin Hui power system, although regarded as disadvantages at the time, had some unexpected effects in later generations. For example, Qin Hui's practice of reusing his staff was criticized at the time as an empty court, but this practice later evolved into an important political system, the shogunate system. This system was widely used in the Ming and Qing dynasties and became an important means of local governance.
Another example is Qin Hui's control over culture. While this practice was criticized at the time, it also pushed some literati to turn to a focus on reality. For example, it was in this political atmosphere that the famous lyricist Xin Qiji began to create a large number of lyrics that reflected reality. These works not only enrich the content of literature, but also leave valuable historical materials for future generations.