In the long river of history, the word "scholars misleading the country" always looms, like a lingering shadow. It is not only a criticism of those who talk about empty theories, but also reveals a historical phenomenon that is thought-provoking. In the power game of China's feudal society, those scholars who proclaimed themselves modest gentlemen often became the most terrible political tools. Their words and deeds, sometimes noble, sometimes despicable, show the most complex side of human nature. From Zhang Juzheng to Yu Qian, and then to the political turmoil after the Battle of Suiyang, we can't help but ask: Why did these intellectuals, who should have been the benchmark of social morality, become the destroyers of history at a critical moment? What kind of power logic and human weakness are hidden behind this?
The origin of the phrase "scholars misleading the country" can be traced back to the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period. At that time, there were hundreds of schools of thought, and the monarchs of various countries vied with each other to recruit wise men, hoping to strengthen the country and enrich the people through their wisdom. However, as time passed, some literati who could only talk on paper gradually exposed their shortcomings.
The most famous example is the Lin Xiangru of the Zhao State. In 279 BC, Qin envoys came to Zhao and demanded 15 cities in exchange for Heshibi. Faced with this unreasonable demand, Lin Xiangru proposed a seemingly clever countermeasure: send He's Bi to Qin, and if the King of Qin refused to return the city, he threatened to smash the jade Bi. Although this strategy saved Zhao Guo's face for a while, it laid the root of the curse. As a result, Qin became even more hostile to Zhao, which eventually led to the Battle of Changping, in which Zhao's 400,000-strong army was annihilated.
This incident has become a typical case of "scholars misleading the country". Although Lin Xiangru is brilliant in writing, he is too rash in his handling of international relations and fails to consider the long-term consequences. This practice of focusing only on short-term interests and ignoring long-term effects is exactly a manifestation of "scholars misleading the country."
With the changes of the times, the meaning of the term "scholars misleading the country" is also constantly evolving. By the Han Dynasty, it was more directed at the literati who talked about theories and were unrealistic. Dong Zhongshu during the reign of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty is a typical example. Although the doctrine of "celestial and human induction" put forward by him consolidated the imperial power to a certain extent, it also made the imperial court's decision-making often affected by some unwarranted "celestial phenomena". For example, on one occasion, because of a meteorite falling from the sky, the imperial court vigorously discussed whether or not to reform the policy, and as a result, the national affairs were delayed.
During the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, the meaning of "scholars misleading the country" was further expanded. During this period, the scholar class was addicted to pure talk and did not ask about the world. The famous "Seven Sages of the Bamboo Forest" is a representative of this ethos. Although they are talented, they are obsessed with metaphysics and indifferent to national affairs. Although this kind of behavior cannot be said to directly mislead the country, it has affected the social atmosphere and weakened the cohesion of the country to a certain extent.
In the Tang and Song dynasties, the connotation of "scholars misleading the country" had a new change. During this period, the imperial examination system was becoming more and more perfect, and a large number of scholars entered the official career through the imperial examination. However, some people pay too much attention to the writing skills of Baguwen in the learning process, and ignore the ability to solve practical problems. This has led to some high school jinshi officials being helpless in the face of practical problems, and even making some ridiculous decisions.
For example, Wang Anshi's reform of the Northern Song Dynasty is a typical case. Although Wang Anshi was very knowledgeable, many of his policies were divorced from reality. For example, although the "Seedlings Law" was intended to help farmers, it actually increased the burden on farmers and caused social unrest. In this case, "scholars misleading the country" no longer refers only to empty theories, but also includes an attitude that is divorced from reality and blindly confident.
During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the meaning of "scholars misleading the country" was more complicated. On the one hand, it still refers to those literati who talk about misleading the country; On the other hand, it also began to refer to those who read books at the expense of the interests of the state for their own personal gain. During this period, the party struggle intensified, and many scholars did not hesitate to frame Zhongliang and even collude with foreign enemies in order to compete for power and profit. This kind of behavior is undoubtedly an extreme manifestation of "scholars misleading the country".
In general, the term "scholars misleading the country" has gradually evolved from a criticism of empty talkers to a general term for all kinds of misconduct of intellectuals. It not only reflects the complexity of the intellectual community in Chinese history, but also reflects some deep-seated problems in China's political culture. The evolution of the term is in fact a microcosm of the changing role of Chinese intellectuals.
Zhang Juzheng, a famous reformer of the Ming Dynasty, fully demonstrated the complexity of the proposition that "scholars mislead the country" throughout his life. As a well-read literati, Zhang Juzheng, with his extraordinary talent and decisive reform measures, brought the Ming Dynasty back to prosperity from the brink of decline in just ten years. However, his fate took a sharp turn due to the duplicity of the literati community, and finally ended up in the tragic end of being liquidated after his death.
Zhang Juzheng's reforms began in the first year of Wanli (1573). At that time, the Ming Dynasty had internal and external troubles, the treasury was empty, and the military was weak. Faced with such a predicament, Zhang Juzheng launched a series of vigorous and resolute reform measures. The most famous of these is the "One Whip Law", which simplified the originally complicated tax system into a unified collection of silver taels, greatly improving tax efficiency and reducing the burden on the people.
In addition, Zhang Juzheng also implemented the "examination method" to strictly assess the performance of officials; rectifying the military system and strengthening border defense; Water conservancy should be built and agricultural production should be developed. These measures have yielded remarkable results in a short period of time. According to the "History of the Ming Dynasty", by the tenth year of Wanli, the country's financial situation had greatly improved, and the frontier had also stabilized.
However, just as Zhang Juzheng's reforms were in full swing, the duplicity of the literati community began to emerge. At first, when the reform brought obvious results, the government and the opposition praised Zhang Juzheng. Many literati even compared him to an ancient sage, calling him a "living saint". This kind of flamboyance was so popular for a while that some people fabricated absurd rumors that Zhang Juzheng dreamed that Confucius had granted a "good prescription for governing the country".
However, as the reform deepened and touched the core interests of some vested interests, voices of opposition began to rise one after another. Some literati began to shift their stance, and what had been a former word of praise instantly turned into sharp criticism. They accused Zhang Juzheng of monopolizing power and being suspected of usurping power; He was criticized for being too radical and hurting people's livelihoods. Some people even slandered Zhang Juzheng's corrupt private life, saying that he was addicted to aphrodisiacs, which eventually led to his death.
This drastic change in attitude has fully exposed the opportunistic nature of some literati. When reform is in their interest, they shout hooray; As soon as their interests are damaged, they immediately change their faces, and even do not hesitate to make up rumors to hit their opponents.
Zhang Juzheng's reforms also had a profound impact on the imperial examination system in the Ming Dynasty. The policy of "abolishing the imperial examination and revitalizing the school" implemented by him was aimed at changing the drawbacks of the imperial examination system of paying too much attention to the eight-strand essay and improving the actual ability of the candidates. Although this policy was well-intentioned, it aroused the dissatisfaction of many literati. They feared that the new policy would affect their chances of passing the imperial examination, so they secretly opposed the reform.
After Zhang Juzheng's death, these latent grievances finally erupted. The Wanli Emperor, instigated by the literati, began a comprehensive liquidation of Zhang Juzheng and his reforms. Zhang Juzheng's family property was confiscated, his son was exiled, and even the coffin was exhumed and the body was exhumed. This political reckoning lasted for many years, not only ruining the achievements of Zhang Juzheng's reforms, but also casting a shadow on the development of the Ming Dynasty.
It is worth noting that in this reckoning, some literati who once highly praised Zhang Juzheng turned to actively participate in the criticism of him at this time. They dug out Zhang Juzheng's words and deeds before his death, and maliciously interpreted and exaggerated. For example, some people accuse Zhang Juzheng of not resigning after his father's death and keeping filial piety, which is a great unfilial piety; There are also claims that Zhang Juzheng was disrespectful to the emperor and had the intention of rebellion. Most of these accusations lacked factual basis, but they were widely disseminated in the political climate of the time.
Zhang Juzheng's tragedy is not only the tragedy of one person, but also the tragedy of the entire era. It shows that under an authoritarian system, even the best reformers are doomed. At the same time, it also exposes the hypocrisy and ruthlessness of some literati in the political struggle. These intellectuals, who claim to be moral role models, behave so frivolously and ficklely in the face of interests.
After this incident, the term "scholars misleading the country" took on a new connotation. It no longer only refers to those scholars who talk about misleading the country, but also includes those literati who do not hesitate to reverse black and white and frame loyalty for their own selfishness. Zhang Juzheng's experience has become an important case in later discussions about "scholars misleading the country", which profoundly reveals the complex role of intellectuals in the political whirlpool.
Yu Qian, a famous minister in the middle of the Ming Dynasty, can be called a typical representative of "good man doctrine" in his life. His story not only shows the perseverance of a loyal minister, but also reveals that in a complex political environment, simple "good people" often cannot escape the tragic fate.
Yu Qian was born in the twenty-first year of Hongwu in the Ming Dynasty (1398), read poetry and books since childhood, and began his career as a scholar at the age of 20. In his early career, Yu Qian showed great talent and integrity. He has written many times to talk about things, but he has also offended many powerful people because of this. However, Yu Qian did not change his way of life because of this, and still insisted on being an upright "good person".
Yu Qian's most celebrated deeds occurred during the Tumubao Rebellion. In 1449, the Warat army invaded, and Emperor Yingzong personally conquered, but the army was defeated and captured. The incident shocked the government and the opposition, and Beijing was thrown into chaos. At this critical juncture, Yu Qian stepped forward and presided over the defense of the Beijing Division. He took a series of decisive measures: building city defenses, organizing militias, and pacifying the people. Thanks to his efforts, the city of Beijing successfully resisted the attack of the Warat army.
However, in the midst of this crisis, the weakness of Yu Qian's "good manism" also began to appear. At that time, some people in the court proposed to depose the captured Yingzong and set up a new monarch. Yu Qian, out of loyalty, resolutely opposed this proposal. He believed that even if the emperor was captured, he could not easily change the new monarch, otherwise he would lose his bargaining chips with the enemy. Although this decision reflected Yu Qian's loyalty, it also laid the foundation for future political struggles.
After Yingzong was rescued, the power struggle within the imperial court became more and more intense. Yu Qian, as the hero who presided over the defense of the Beijing Division, naturally became the focus of attention. Some people suggested that he take the opportunity to expand his power, but Yu Qian always remained humble and even asked for his resignation several times. Although this kind of behavior shows Yu Qian's noble character, it is too naïve in the political struggle of self-deceit.
After the restoration of Emperor Yingzong, the contradictions within the imperial court further intensified. Some power-seekers began to secretly slander Yu Qian, saying that he was disobedient during the Tumubao Rebellion. In the face of these slanders, Yu Qian chose to remain silent, believing that the clear person is self-purifying and disdainful of justification. However, in a complex political environment, this approach gives opponents an opportunity to take advantage of it.
In the end, Yu Qian still could not escape the whirlpool of political struggle. In the eighth year of Jingtai (1457), Yingzong was restored again, and Yu Qian was arrested for being framed for participating in the rebellion. In prison, Yu Qian remained silent, not defending himself or exposing others. Although this behavior reflected his noble character, in the political environment of the time, it was tantamount to self-destruction.
Yu Qian was eventually executed at the age of sixty. Before his execution, he wrote the famous "Lime Moan": "Thousands of hammers are carved out of the deep mountains, and the fire burns as if it were idle." Don't be afraid of broken bones, you have to leave your innocence in the world. This poem not only shows Yu Qian's calmness in the face of death, but also reflects the "good manism" that he insisted on throughout his life.
After Yu Qianzhi's death, the party struggle within the court intensified. Some people who originally supported Yu Qian began to attack him in order to protect themselves. They translated some of Qianqian's words and deeds before his death, and interpreted them out of context, trying to prove that Yu Qian did have a heart of disobedience. This phenomenon once again confirms the two-sided nature of the literati reflected in the "scholars misleading the country".
Yu Qian's case also triggered in-depth thinking about "good manism" in later generations. Some argue that in a complex political environment, over-adhering to the "good guys" position can have disastrous consequences. They argue that a true politician should know how to weigh the pros and cons and make compromises at the right time. Others, however, insist that it is "good people" like Yu Qian who are the mainstay of maintaining the moral bottom line of society.
In any case, Yu Qian's story provides a new commentary on the proposition that "scholars mislead the country". It tells us that in a complex political environment, mere moral idealism can lead to tragic results. At the same time, it also reveals the vulnerability of intellectuals in the face of power and the complex role they play in political struggles.
As one of the most influential reforms in Chinese history, Wang Anshi's reform not only profoundly affected the political and economic pattern of the Northern Song Dynasty, but also became an important case to test the proposition that "scholars mislead the country". Wang Anshi, a well-read poet and scholar, carried out a series of radical reforms in just a few years. However, his reforms were ultimately underpinned by opposition from a powerful clique of scholars, a process that illustrates the complex attitudes and behaviors of the literati community in the face of major changes in the state.
Wang Anshi's reform began in the second year of Xining (1069). At that time, although the Northern Song Dynasty was prosperous on the surface, it was actually suffering from internal and external troubles, financial difficulties, and weak military. In the face of such a situation, Wang Anshi put forward the proposition of "taking poverty and weakness as a worry, and shame on the redundancy of officials", which was fully supported by Song Shenzong.
Wang's reform measures are multifaceted. Economically, he implemented policies such as the Green Seedling Law, the Equalization Law, and the Market Easy Law, aiming to ease the burden on peasants and increase state income. Militarily, he practiced the Law of Armor Protection and the Art of General War, with the intention of strengthening local defenses and improving the combat effectiveness of the army. Politically, he reformed the imperial examination system, established the three-round method, and tried to select truly talented people. These measures have indeed yielded some results in the short term, with an improvement in the country's financial situation and a strengthening of border defenses.
However, Wang Anshi's reforms soon met with strong opposition from conservative scholars represented by Sima Guang. The scholars believed that Wang Anshi's reforms were too radical, contrary to tradition, and would undermine the social order. Their criticism of Wang Anshi mainly focuses on the following aspects:
First, they accused Wang Anshi's reforms of violating Confucian tradition. For example, the Seedlings Law is considered to be a disguised usury, which is contrary to benevolent government; The law of market change is seen as state intervention in the market, which is contrary to the Confucian concept of "no profit".
Second, they criticized Wang Anshi's employment policy. In the process of implementing reforms, Wang Anshi promoted a large number of young officials who supported the reform, which caused dissatisfaction among the old officials. They believe that these new officials lack experience and will only blindly follow Wang Anshi, and cannot truly serve the country and the people.
Again, they attacked Wang Anshi's way of governing. Wang Anshi's hard-line attitude and unwillingness to compromise in his reforms were seen by some scholars as arbitrary and disrespectful of the imperial court's tradition of collective decision-making.
In the face of these criticisms, Wang Anshi did not back down. He insisted that his reforms were aimed at saving the country from crisis, even in the face of opposition. He even uttered such fierce remarks as "the sky is not enough to fear, the ancestors are not enough to be lawful, and the words of people are not enough to be compassionate", which further intensified the confrontation with conservatives.
With the deepening of the reform, the contradictions within the imperial court became more and more acute. Officials who supported and opposed the reform were divided into two factions and attacked each other. Some officials who had originally supported the reform, such as Han Qi and Fu Bi, also gradually turned to the opposition. They believe that although the reform of the law is beneficial to the country, it is too hasty and can easily cause social unrest.
In this fierce political struggle, both sides demonstrated the unique intellect and argumentative ability of the literati. They cite scriptures and use their wealth of historical knowledge to support their views. However, such debates are often rhetorical and fail to really address real issues.
Over time, the negative effects of the change began to become apparent. In order to accomplish their tasks, some local officials abused their power and oppressed the people. This caused discontent among the people and gave the opposition more reasons to attack.
In the eighth year of Xining (1075), Wang Anshi was forced to resign from the phase. Although his reforms were not immediately terminated, they had lost their initial momentum. After that, with the change of Song Shenzong's attitude, the reform was gradually abolished.
The failure of Wang Anshi's reform once again confirmed the complexity of the proposition that "scholars mislead the country". On the one hand, as a well-read literati, Wang Anshi did propose many far-sighted reform measures. However, in carrying out these measures, he showed some typical flaws of the literati: excessive idealism, lack of practical experience, and lack of compromise.
On the other hand, the scholars and doctors who opposed the reform of the law, although under the banner of upholding tradition, their behavior can also be regarded as "scholars misleading the country" to a certain extent. They are too rigid to the literal meaning of the Confucian classics and are unable to respond flexibly to the new problems facing the country. Their opposition has hindered the country's development process to a certain extent.
The failure of Wang Anshi's reform was not only the failure of one person or faction, but also the failure of the entire literati political system. It reveals how authoritarian regimes selt even the most talented literati to bring about real social change. At the same time, it also exposes the limitations of the Shidafu Group in the face of major changes in the country. These intellectuals, who claim to be the elite of society, often find it difficult to reach a consensus in the face of conflicting interests and ideas, which ultimately leads to the failure of reform.
In the last years of the Ming Dynasty, the national crisis was deepening, internal and external troubles were intertwined, and the imperial court was corrupt. In this special historical period, a group of well-educated people stepped forward to try to save the country from collapse. However, their efforts ultimately failed to change the fate of the fall of the dynasty, but showed many drawbacks of "scholars misleading the country" in the process.
The rise of the Donglin Party is a microcosm of the political participation of literati in the late Ming Dynasty. During the Wanli period, Gu Xiancheng and others founded Donglin Academy, advocating the study of "applying it to the world" and cultivating a large number of people with lofty ideals. These people take the rise and fall of the world as their own responsibility, actively participate in the government and politics, and criticize the evils of the times. However, their actions sparked fierce partisan strife and divisions within the imperial court, further exacerbating the political turmoil.
During Wei Zhongxian's dictatorship, the Donglin Party suffered severe persecution. But they did not back down because of this, but became more determined to confront the eunuchs. After Chongzhen's accession to the throne, the Donglin Party returned to power, but they failed to effectively solve the problems facing the country. On the contrary, the infighting between them intensified, and political farces such as "easy storage" and "competition for the throne" were constantly staged, which seriously affected the decision-making efficiency of the imperial court.
In this process, the behavior of some literati deserves special attention. For example, after Li Zicheng's uprising, many literati chose to surrender, including the famous scholar Qian Qianyi. Qian Qianyi was originally an important member of the Donglin Party and was known as the "Master of Jiangzuo". However, in the face of the country's peril, he chose to give in. This kind of behavior not only shows the weakness of the literati in the face of force, but also exposes the hypocritical nature of their rhetoric of loyalty and patriotism, but in fact they tend to be inflammatory.
In stark contrast to Qian Qianyi is Shi Kefa. As an important minister of the Southern Ming regime, Shi Kefa held on to Yangzhou when the Qing army moved south, and was eventually martyred. However, the tragedy of Shi Kefa also reflects the limitations of the rule of the literati. Although he was loyal, he lacked military talent and failed to effectively organize defense, which eventually led to the tragedy of the destruction of Yangzhou City and the ten-day massacre.
Huang Zongxi, another famous literati in the late Ming Dynasty, shows us another option for intellectuals in troubled times. Huang Zongxi participated in the anti-Qing Dynasty in his early years, and later lived in seclusion and wrote books and lectures, writing works such as "Ming Yi to be Interviewed", criticizing the autocratic system and advocating a limited monarchy. However, although his ideas were profound, they did not have a practical impact at the time, and instead became the object of study by later scholars. This also reflects the huge gap between literati thought and realpolitik.
In the process of the fall of the Ming Dynasty, the performance of some literati was even more embarrassing. For example, the famous writer Feng Menglong, after the Qing army entered the customs, actually wrote "Shuntian Returns to Shun Poem" to praise the rule of the Qing Dynasty. This kind of behavior not only betrays the integrity of the nation, but also exposes the inferiority of some literati who tend to be inflammatory.
At the same time, there were also some literati who chose to die for their country. For example, after the fall of the Southern Ming Dynasty, the poet Qian Chengzhi wrote the famous sentence "The rise and fall of the world is the responsibility of the husband", and then committed suicide. Although this behavior reflects the integrity of the literati, it also reflects their sense of powerlessness in the face of national crisis.
The various performances of literati in the late Ming Dynasty provide rich annotations for the proposition that "scholars mislead the country". Some of them stepped forward to try to save the day, but in vain because they lacked the ability to actually govern the country; Some people indulge in partisan strife and put personal grievances above national interests; Some people choose to give in in the face of a strong enemy, and lose the integrity that a literati should have; There are also those who are loyal, but because of their lack of talent, they are unable to save the country.
The experiences of these literati reflect the deep-seated problems of traditional Chinese literati politics. Most of them, although they are well-read in poetry and books, lack the ability to actually govern the country. They tend to rely too much on the Confucian classics and ignore the complexities of realpolitik. In the face of a national crisis, they were either helpless or mired in endless partisanship, which ultimately hastened the downfall of the dynasty.
However, we cannot deny that in this process, there are indeed some literati who have shown valuable character and talent. For example, after the Qing army entered the customs, Gu Yanwu traveled everywhere, wrote books and lectures, and made important contributions to the preservation of Han culture. His view that "the rise and fall of the world is the responsibility of the husband" still has an important influence today.
The experience of the literati in the late Ming Dynasty is not only a tragic history, but also a starting point for self-reflection among Chinese intellectuals. It prompted later generations of intellectuals to start thinking: how to solve practical problems in a down-to-earth manner while adhering to ideals? How to maintain an independent personality while maintaining an appropriate distance from power? These questions are still of great relevance to this day.