As everyone knows, Chiang Kai-shek and Chen Guofu were once like brothers and fought the world hand in hand. But who would have thought that when the Kuomintang retreated to Taiwan, the former "political partners" went to a completely different fate. Chiang Kai-shek still stood high above the temple, but Chen Guofu was reduced to the point where he could not afford to see a doctor or refuel. What kind of accident made this former member of the "Four Families" end up in such a bleak end? Why was Chiang Kai-shek so indifferent, even ruthless, to this old friend? What happened to Chen Guofu in his later years, and what kind of political situation does it reflect?
In the political arena of the Republic of China, Chen Guofu's name is like thunder. His rise stems from a prominent family background and his own extraordinary talent. Chen Guofu was born in 1891 into a merchant family in Wuxing County, Zhejiang Province. His uncle, Chen Qimei, was an important member of the League and Sun Yat-sen's right-hand man. It was this relationship that laid the foundation for Chen Guofu's future political career.
When the Xinhai Revolution broke out in 1911, Chen Guofu, who was only 20 years old, joined the revolution and participated in the liberation of Shanghai. This experience led him to meet many political leaders, including Chiang Kai-shek, the future leader of the Nationalist government. Chiang Kai-shek had a close relationship with Chen Qimei, and naturally favored the young and promising Chen Guofu.
With the rise of the Kuomintang, Chen's political career has also entered the fast lane. In 1924, he was elected a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang and began to gradually take control of important party affairs. After the success of the Northern Expedition in 1927, Chen Guofu became the head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang, a position that enabled him to grasp the power of appointing and dismissing personnel within the party, and his influence was increasing day by day.
Chen Guofu and his brother Chen Lifu co-founded the famous CC faction, which had great influence within the KMT. The CC department not only controls party affairs, but also infiltrates the government, the military, and the economy. Through careful layout, they have placed their own people in various important positions, forming a huge network of relationships.
During the period of the Nationalist Government, Chen Guofu's status can be described as in the ascendant. He is not only an important leader of the party, but also serves as a member of the Executive Yuan and a member of the central bank. His influence was so great that there was a saying at that time that "the Jiang family is the world and the Chen family party". Chen Guofu, Chiang Kai-shek, Song Ziwen, and Kong Xiangxi are known as the "four families" of the Nationalist Government, which shows their prominent status.
Chen Guofu's political skills are also a must. He is adept at balancing forces and navigating complex intra-party struggles. For example, in the early 1930s, Chen Guofu played an important role in mediating the contradictions between Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Jingwei. He also strengthened the cohesion of the Kuomintang by organizing the "Central Club" to bring together various factions within the party.
However, the pinnacle of power also planted the seeds of future decline. Although Chen Guofu is outstanding, some of his practices have also caused controversy. For example, he vigorously promoted his cronies within the party, which was perceived by some as engaging in "small circle" politics. In addition, the expansion of the CC faction in the economic field also caused discontent among other factions, laying the groundwork for future political struggles.
Despite this, before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, Chen Guofu's political position remained solid. He actively participated in the anti-Japanese salvation movement, organized many fund-raising activities, and made contributions to national defense construction. In 1936, he also organized a huge dedication event, presenting 50 fighters for Chiang Kai-shek's 50th birthday, demonstrating the appeal and organizational ability of the CC department.
However, the wheel of history is always full of uncertainties. With the full-scale outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War and the changes in the relationship between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the fate of Chen Guofu and the CC department also began to take a turn. After the Xi'an Incident, Chiang Kai-shek's attitude towards Chen Guofu quietly changed, which laid the groundwork for the future political situation.
Although Chiang Kai-shek's relationship with Chen Guofu was once close, the rift between the two gradually emerged as time went on and the political situation changed. This transformation of relations did not happen overnight, but went through several key events that eventually led to a radical change in Chiang Kai-shek's attitude towards Chen Guofu.
The Xi'an Incident was undoubtedly an important turning point in the rift in Chiang-Chen relations. In December 1936, Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng staged a mutiny and detained Chiang Kai-shek. This incident shocked the entire KMT top brass, and various forces expressed their stance one after another. In the process of dealing with the Xi'an Incident, Chen Guofu's attitude aroused Chiang Kai-shek's dissatisfaction.
At that time, Chen Guofu advocated the use of force to solve the problem, believing that troops should be immediately sent to destroy the rebels and rescue Chiang Kai-shek. This proposition coincides with the views of He Yingqin and others. However, Chiang Kai-shek's wife, Soong Meiling, advocated peace negotiations and finally succeeded in rescuing Chiang Kai-shek through diplomatic means.
After the incident, Chiang Kai-shek's attitude towards Chen Guofu changed subtly. Although on the face of it, Chen's assertion was motivated by concerns about Chiang Kai-shek's safety, in Chiang Kai-shek's view, such an aggressive approach could lead to more serious consequences. If the solution is resolved by force, it may not only endanger his life, but also trigger a larger-scale civil war, which will have an adverse impact on the great cause of resisting Japan.
Chiang Kai-shek began to doubt Chen's political judgment and was also wary of the CC's influence within the party. This suspicion and vigilance, although not immediately manifested, planted a seed of doubt in Chiang Kai-shek's heart.
Immediately afterwards, another incident occurred at the end of October 1936 that further deepened Chiang Kai-shek's discontent. At that time, it was Chiang Kai-shek's 50th birthday, and Chen Guofu organized a huge dedication event. On the surface, this event was to congratulate Chiang Kai-shek on his birthday, but also to contribute to national defense construction. However, the impact of this event exceeded Chen Guofu's expectations.
The event received a positive response from all walks of life, raising more than 12 million yuan and purchasing more than 50 fighters. At the solemn birthday ceremony, unexpectedly, Chiang Kai-shek did not attend, but left Nanjing in the name of "avoiding his birthday."
Chiang Kai-shek's move left many people puzzled. In fact, Chiang Kai-shek's attitude towards the event was very complicated. On the one hand, he does need these fighters to strengthen his defense capabilities in response to the growing tensions between China and Japan. But on the other hand, this huge event made him feel uneasy.
In Chiang Kai-shek's view, although Chen Guofu's actions were well-intentioned, they indirectly put his arms expansion on the surface, which was tantamount to openly demonstrating China's determination to resist Japan to Japan. At that time, Chiang Kai-shek was preparing for the upcoming all-out war of resistance, and he needed more time to gather strength. Chen Guofu's actions may have spurred Japan to accelerate the pace of its invasion of China and disrupted Chiang Kai-shek's deployment.
More importantly, this event caused a strong response across the country and stimulated the people's anti-Japanese enthusiasm. This situation made Chiang Kai-shek feel passive, and he feared that he would be pushed into a dilemma. If Japan is not taken a tough stance, it may cause dissatisfaction among the people; If war is declared on Japan immediately, it may cause the country to suffer even greater losses.
The occurrence of these two events made Chiang Kai-shek doubt Chen Guofu's political wisdom. He came to believe that although Chen Guofu was capable of organizing work, he lacked foresight in major political decisions. This difference in understanding laid the groundwork for the change of Chiang Kai-shek's attitude towards Chen Guofu in the future.
With the outbreak of the all-out war of resistance, the relationship between Chiang Kai-shek and Chen Guofu remained harmonious on the surface, but there were undercurrents. Chen Guofu continued to play an important role in party affairs, but Chiang Kai-shek's trust in him was much less than it once was. In major decisions, Chiang Kai-shek began to listen more to the opinions of others and no longer relied on Chen Guofu as before.
In the later stages of the Anti-Japanese War, the Kuomintang gradually became at a disadvantage in the contest with the Communists. Faced with a steady stream of defeat, Chiang Kai-shek began to blame the defeat on party corruption and official incompetence. As a core figure who has been in control of party affairs for a long time, Chen Guofu naturally cannot escape the blame.
Although this attribution of responsibility was not made public, it formed a solidified impression in Chiang Kai-shek's mind. He began to believe that the existence of the CC faction hindered the reform of the party and was one of the important reasons for the defeat of the KMT. This understanding laid the groundwork for Chiang Kai-shek's series of suppressive measures against Chen Guofu in Taiwan in the future.
In 1949, the Kuomintang regime retreated to Taiwan. This huge political change not only changed the course of Chinese history, but also completely changed the fate of Chen Guofu. As Chiang Kai-shek regrouped in Taiwan, a political purge against dissent within the party quietly began, and Chen Guofu became one of the main targets of this purge.
Chiang Kai-shek's primary task in Taiwan was to consolidate power and rebuild the party's organizational structure. In order to achieve this goal, he decided to completely eliminate the unstable factors in the party and reshape the political ecology of the Kuomintang. In this context, the once prominent CC system became the target of Chiang Kai-shek's key attack.
In early 1950, Chiang Kai-shek convened a high-level meeting at which a series of measures for party reform were announced. The most striking of these was the reorganization of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. The department, which was once under Chen's long-time control, was split into three separate committees, which were responsible for organization, personnel and disciplinary work. This move is actually weakening the power base of the CC system.
Immediately afterwards, Chiang Kai-shek began to systematically transfer members of the CC Department from important posts. Many officials who had been close to Mr. Chen were transferred to idle posts or sent overseas on so-called "special assignments." This kind of personnel adjustment seems normal, but in fact it hides a mystery. In this way, Chiang Kai-shek both avoided a direct confrontation with the CC faction and achieved the goal of weakening its influence.
In 1951, an even larger political purge began. Chiang Kai-shek, in the name of "purging bandits and spies", launched a large-scale censorship campaign within the party. Ostensibly, the campaign was aimed at purging Communist agents lurking within the party, but in reality, it became a powerful tool against political opponents.
During this campaign, many CC members were accused of being "spies" or "traitors." Some of them were arrested and imprisoned, while others were forced to retire from politics. Even those who are not directly accused are suspected and ostracized because of their association with the CC system. The movement dealt a heavy blow to the CC department, and many people chose to distance themselves from Chen Guofu and others in order to protect themselves.
Although Chen Guofu himself was not directly accused of being a "bandit spy", his situation has also become very difficult. Chiang Kai-shek, although he did not openly break with him, had in fact begun to gradually strip him of power. Chen Guofu was dismissed from his post as head of the Central Organization Department and replaced with a nominal advisory position. This position, while still sounding prominent, has actually lost its real power.
In 1952, Chiang Kai-shek further tightened his grip on the CC system. He ordered the creation of a special commission of inquiry to investigate the political activities of CC members during their time on the mainland. The establishment of this committee is actually fabricating charges against the CC department. Many CC members were accused of having improper dealings with Japan during the War of Resistance or of passive resistance during the Civil War.
Although these accusations lacked hard evidence, they were enough to ruin a person's political career in the political climate at the time. Although Chen Guofu has not been directly charged, his reputation as the leader of the CC department has also been seriously affected. Many began to distance themselves from him, fearing being drawn into the political maelstrom.
In 1953, Chiang Kai-shek took more radical measures. He ordered the freezing of the assets of a number of companies controlled by the CC department on the grounds that they were suspected of economic crimes. This move not only hit the economic foundation of the CC department, but also caused huge economic losses to Chen Guofu personally.
By 1954, the CC line had been largely marginalized. Although Chen Guofu still retains the title of member of the Central Committee, he has actually lost influence on party affairs. He was placed as a consultant at an institution called the Institute for the Practice of Revolution, which was in fact a symbol of political marginalization.
In this political purge, Chiang Kai-shek showed great political skill. Instead of directly expelling Chen Guofu and others from the party, he gradually weakened their power through a series of seemingly legitimate procedures. This approach not only avoided provoking a strong backlash inside and outside the party, but also achieved the goal of eliminating dissidents.
For Chen Guofu, this political purge is undoubtedly a huge blow. The transition from a powerful figure in the party to an insignificant role is difficult for him to accept. However, in the political environment at the time, he had no choice but to suffer all this in silence. This political frustration also laid the groundwork for his bleak situation in his later years.
Chen Guofu's later life can be described as full of ups and downs, full of dramatic turns. From a powerful figure in the party to a marginalized politician, this huge gap has brought many challenges and difficulties to his later years.
After 1954, Chen Guofu was arranged to work as a consultant at the "Institute of Revolutionary Practice". Ostensibly for the study of revolutionary theory and practice, this institution was in fact a place for Chiang Kai-shek to place political figures who had fallen out of power. Here, Chen Guofu's daily work is mainly to write some political theory articles and memoirs, but these articles rarely have the opportunity to be published.
Despite losing real power, Chen Guofu did not completely abandon his political ambitions. He tried to regain Chiang Kai-shek's trust by privately reaching out to some of his old friends who were still influential in the party. However, these efforts have had little effect. Most people are reluctant to risk having too many connections with a politician who has fallen out of power for fear of being implicated.
In 1956, an unexpected opportunity seemed to open the door for Chen Guofu to return to the political scene. At that time, Taiwan was facing a crisis of international recognition, and Chiang Kai-shek urgently needed to improve its international image. An United States journalist proposed inviting Chen Guofu to visit the United States to show the democratic and enlightened image of the Kuomintang. At first, Chiang Kai-shek had reservations about this proposal, but after repeated requests from the American side, he finally agreed.
This visit to the United States gave Chen Guofu a taste of being valued again. In the United States, he received widespread media attention and made many public speeches to explain the policy propositions of the Kuomintang. However, the visit also exposed the problem of Chen Guofu's disconnection with realpolitik. Some of his remarks seemed too conservative and were far from the mainstream views of the international community at the time, which to a certain extent had a negative impact on the KMT's international image.
After returning to Taiwan, Chen Guofu thought that this successful visit to the United States would allow him to regain Chiang Kai-shek's trust, but this was not the case. Chiang Kai-shek expressed dissatisfaction with some of Chen Guofu's remarks in the United States, believing that they might affect the relationship between Taiwan and United States. This visit to the United States not only did not improve Chen Guofu's situation, but further deepened Chiang Kai-shek's distrust of him.
In 1958, Chen Guofu suffered a major blow in his life. His eldest son, Chen Zhiping, was arrested and imprisoned on suspicion of economic crimes. Although the case was ostensibly an ordinary economic case, in the political environment at the time, many people believed that it was another blow from Chiang Kai-shek to Chen Guofu. Chen Guofu campaigned for his son, but in the end he failed to change the outcome. This incident not only brought a huge blow to Chen Guofu's family, but also made him more isolated in his social circle.
In the years that followed, Chen Guofu's life became increasingly impoverished. As a result of previous political purges, most of his property was frozen or confiscated. Although he still retains the title of member of the Central Committee, he no longer has any real income. In order to make ends meet, he had to sell some of his personal collection of antique calligraphy and paintings. This deplorable situation contrasts sharply with his former pre-eminent position.
In the early 1960s, Taiwan began to implement the "Cultural Revival Movement". As a former cultural figure, Chen Guofu sees a glimmer of hope. He offered to the authorities to participate in the sport, hoping to regain some influence. However, his request was politely denied. The reason given by the authorities was that he was too old to participate in such a work that required a lot of energy.
In his later years, Chen began to devote more time to writing. He began writing his own memoirs, trying to justify his political career. However, due to the constraints of the political environment, these memoirs could not be published publicly and could only be circulated on a small scale.
In 1965, Chen Guofu ushered in the last turning point in his life. By chance, he became acquainted with a young historian. The scholar became intrigued by Chen's experiences and began to visit him regularly to record his oral history. This brought some comfort to Chen Guofu's later life. Through his conversations with this scholar, he was able to re-examine his political career and leave a valuable historical legacy for posterity.
In 1970, Chen Guofu died of illness in Taipei at the age of 81. His funeral was not of a high standard, and only a few old friends came to see him off. Although Chiang Kai-shek sent a representative to pay his respects, he did not attend in person. This simple funeral seems to be the last commentary on Chen Guofu's ups and downs in life.
As an important figure in Chinese politics in the 20th century, Chen Guofu's historical status and evaluation have always been the focus of controversy in academic circles. With the passage of time and the continuous disclosure of historical materials, people's understanding of Chen Guofu is also deepening and changing.
Within the KMT, there was a clear divide in the evaluation of Chen Guofu. Supporters believe that Chen Guofu is a hero of the KMT's organizational building and has made important contributions to the party's development. They pointed out that it was under the leadership of Chen Guofu that the organizational system of the Kuomintang was markedly improved, and the number of party members increased substantially, which laid an important mass foundation for the Kuomintang in its struggle against the Communist Party.
Critics, however, believe that Chen Guofu's formation of a party within the party and the cultivation of private power were one of the important reasons for the split within the KMT. They pointed out that the existence of the CC faction intensified the factional struggle within the party and weakened the overall combat effectiveness of the Kuomintang. Some even blamed the KMT's defeat on the mainland in part on factional rivalries between Chen Guofu and others.
In academic circles, the evaluation of Chen Guofu is more complicated. Some scholars believe that Chen Guofu is a complex historical figure that cannot be judged simply by good or bad. They pointed out that Chen Guofu did have unique features in organizational building, such as the "armor protection system" he implemented, which played an important role in strengthening control at the grassroots level. At the same time, Chen Guofu was also a rare leader with cultural accomplishment in the Kuomintang, and his emphasis on and promotion of traditional Chinese culture alleviated the problem of "cultural anemia" of the Kuomintang to a certain extent.
Other scholars evaluate Chen Guofu from a more macro perspective. They believe that Chen Guofu represents a special type of political figure in modern Chinese history: both with a modern party consciousness and deeply influenced by traditional culture. This kind of complex political personality was rare in Chinese politics at that time, so Chen Guofu's experience has important reference value for the study of the development of modern party politics in China.
In the international academic circles, although Chen Guofu's name is not as widely known as Chiang Kai-shek, Song Ziwen and others, it has also received a certain amount of attention. Some Western scholars see Chen Guofu as an important entry point into studying the power structure within the KMT. They believe that by studying the rise and fall of Chen Guofu and the CC system, it is possible to better understand the internal operating mechanism and power distribution model of the KMT.
In Taiwan, along with the changes in the political environment, the evaluation of Chen Guofu has also undergone a process from criticism to gradual objectivity. During the Chiang Kai-shek period, due to political reasons, Chen Guofu's evaluation was mostly negative. However, with the passage of time and the publication of historical materials, more and more scholars have begun to re-examine Chen Guofu's historical contributions.
In 2000, a university in Taiwan held an academic seminar on Chen Guofu. This is the first time since Chen Guofu's death that an academic event of this scale has been devoted to his historical position. At the meeting, a number of scholars analyzed Chen Guofu's political career from different perspectives. Although opinions vary, most scholars agree that Chen Guofu did make important contributions to the KMT's organizational building and cultural undertakings, and these contributions should not be overlooked.
On the mainland, the evaluation of Chen Guofu has gone through a process from simple negation to gradual objectivity. In the early days, due to ideological reasons, Chen Guofu's evaluation was mostly critical. However, with the improvement of the academic environment after the reform and opening up, more and more scholars began to study Chen Guofu objectively. Some scholars point out that Chen Guofu's performance during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression is worthy of recognition, and that he actively supported the anti-Japanese resistance and made contributions to cultural propaganda.
In 2010, a mainland scholar published a biography of Chen Guofu. This book attempts to comprehensively and objectively evaluate Chen Guofu's life, which has attracted wide attention from the academic community. Through a large number of historical researches, the author points out some deviations in previous research, which provides a new perspective for people to re-understand Chen Guofu.
In recent years, with the improvement of cross-strait relations and the increase of academic exchanges, the research on Chen Guofu has shown a trend of more diversification. Scholars on both sides of the strait began to cooperate in the study of Chen Guofu, and tried to restore a more realistic and three-dimensional image of Chen Guofu by comparing different historical materials and viewpoints.
In this process, some little-known historical materials were excavated, which provided a new basis for evaluating Chen Guofu. For example, when sorting through Chen Guofu's private documents, some scholars found that in his later years, he repeatedly expressed reflections on the defeat of the Kuomintang, and these reflections provided important clues for understanding Chen Guofu's political thought.
In general, with the passage of time and the deepening of research, people's evaluation of Chen Guofu is becoming more comprehensive and objective. While controversy remains, academics have begun to move away from simplistic evaluations and instead look at the complex historical figure from multiple perspectives. Chen Guofu's historical position seems to be undergoing a process of repositioning.