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Text: Yanyan
Edited by Yeon-yeon
preface
After the Sino-Japanese War, although Japan was victorious, it was full of curiosity and vigilance about China's future direction.
In the decades after the war, Japan has closely followed China's every step of development, expecting to see a formidable adversary rise. However, the reality has disappointed Japan.
What is it that makes Japan think so badly of China? What are the untold stories behind this history?
Defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War: Japan's Concerns and Calculations
In 1894, the smoke of the First Sino-Japanese War dissipated, and the Qing Empire was defeated. However, this former East Asian hegemon has not disappeared from Japan's vision.
On the contrary, Japan is increasingly concerned about this defeated adversary. They closely observed the Qing government's every move, trying to gain insight into its foreign policy and domestic reforms.
For Japan, a strong China is both an opportunity and a threat. They feared that an alliance between Tsarist Russia and the Qing government could harm their interests in the Northeast.
To this end, Japan decided to take action to dismantle this unsettling alliance. Japan knew that only by completely defeating the collusion between the Qing government and Tsarist Russia could it ensure that its sphere of influence in northeast China would not be violated.
However, Japan also knows that an overly weakened China is also not in their interest. They needed a China that could stand up to Tsarist Russia, but not strong enough to challenge Japan's position.
This delicate balance became the core appeal of Japan's policy toward China after the Sino-Japanese War. They must always keep an eye on the movements of the Qing government in order to adjust their strategies. In this great power game, Japan has demonstrated superb diplomatic wisdom and superb calculating ability.
The Juye Lesson Plan: Japan's Lobbying and the Vacillation of the Qing Court
In 1898, the Shandong Juye Teaching Case broke out, and Germany took the opportunity to invade Jiaozhou Bay. Tsarist Russia took advantage of the fire to loot and looted Lushun, Dalian and other places. The Qing government was outraged by the shameless actions of Tsarist Russia, and Japan keenly smelled opportunity.
Zhang Zhidong, the important minister of the late Qing Dynasty, became the object of Japan's lobbying. At the suggestion of the Japanese side, Zhang Zhidong strongly advocated "uniting with Japan to resist Russia" and abandoned the previous policy of "uniting with Russia to resist Japan." Japan's conspiracy has begun to bear fruit, and cracks have appeared in the Sino-Russian alliance.
Japan is well aware that lobbying alone is not enough to completely dismantle the Sino-Russian alliance. They needed to sow more confusion and disagreement within the Qing court, so that ministers who advocated alliance with Russia would lose their influence. As a result, Japan began to covertly support reform-inclined officials in an attempt to prop up a group of forces opposed to Tsarist Russia.
Under the careful planning of Japan, the contradictions within the Qing court became increasingly acute. The main battle faction and the main peace faction were-for-tat, and there were endless arguments in the court. Empress Dowager Cixi was also anxious about this, fearing that the infighting would shake the foundations of the Qing Dynasty.
Under these circumstances, Japan's proposal to "unite with Japan to resist Russia" seems to have provided a way out for the Qing government. Despite some skepticism, the policy gradually gained more support from the lobby in Japan and pressure from within the Qing court.
The Gengzi Incident: Japan's ambitions and the helplessness of the Qing court
In 1900, the Gengzi Incident broke out. Tsarist Russia took advantage of the chaos to burn, kill and loot in the northeast, arousing the strong dissatisfaction of the Qing government. Japan once again waited for an opportunity to make a proposal to the Qing court for a "Sino-Japanese alliance" against Tsarist Russia.
On the surface, this was to help the Qing government expel Tsarist Russia, but in fact, it was to completely dismantle the Sino-Russian alliance and expand its own interests in China.
However, the Qing government was caught in a dilemma. Accepting Japan's proposal meant a complete break with Tsarist Russia; By rejecting Japan, you may lose an ally that will contain Tsarist Russia. Under the pressure of internal and external troubles, the Qing court finally chose the path of reform.
Japan is naturally ecstatic about this. On the one hand, they increased their support for the reform of the Qing government, and on the other hand, they also secretly stepped up preparations for aggression against China.
Japan understands that a reforming China is like a newborn baby, fragile and vulnerable. They want to seize this opportunity to expand their sphere of influence in China.
However, Japan's ambitions did not stop there. They began to consider that if the Qing government's reforms eventually failed and China fell into a long period of chaos and turmoil, it would be an opportunity for Japan.
A divided China is bound to be easier for Japan to control and exploit. This idea is gradually brewing and fermenting in Japan's decision-making circles.
Changing the law to become stronger: Japan's expectations and participation
In 1901, the New Deal of the late Qing Dynasty began. Japan is full of expectations, and they hope that the reformed China will become a counterweight to Tsarist Russia and safeguard Japan's interests in the northeast. To this end, Japan actively participated in and supported the reform of the Qing government.
The Japan minister and consul in China reported to Tokyo on the progress of the Qing court reform. They urged the Qing government to remove the diehards and strongly advocated that the Guangxu Emperor take the government personally.
In terms of military reform, Japan has spared no effort. They advised the Qing government on the training of new troops, sent military advisers to China to give lectures, and even exported large quantities of weapons and equipment to the Qing court.
However, Japan's support for the Qing government's reforms was not motivated by altruistic motives. By participating in the reforms, they hoped to cultivate their own influence within the Qing court. Those new-style military forces trained by Japan, and those officials and students who studied in Japan, may become Japan's spokesmen in China.
At the same time, Japan is also paying close attention to the effectiveness of the Qing government's reforms. They sent intelligence officers across China to gather first-hand information about the implementation of the New Deal.
Japan wants to ensure that the Qing government's reforms do not deviate from their intended track and do not harm their interests in China. If something goes wrong with reform, Japan stands ready to take action to protect its interests.
Reform Myths: Japan's Disappointment and Ambition
However, with the advancement of the New Deal at the end of the Qing Dynasty, Japan gradually saw through the truth of the Qing government's reforms. There was constant infighting between the government and the opposition, factions were fighting against each other, and the progress of reform was slow. Even the Empress Dowager Cixi, who initiated the reform, gradually lost enthusiasm for the new policy and indulged in the luxurious life of the Summer Palace.
In 1903, Rong Lu, an important minister of the Qing court, died, and Prince Qing came to power. This chief military minister, who was good at power but not good at reform, made Japan completely lose confidence in the reform of the Qing court. The Japanese side asserted that sooner or later the Qing government would come to an end.
Japan's frustration with the Qing court's reforms gave rise to their ambition to "help" China with force for change. In 1905, domestic reformers even suggested that Japan intervene directly in China's affairs. This trend of thought influenced Japan's China policy for decades to come, and became a pretext for its aggression against China.
In Japan's view, a China that cannot reform itself is destined to become the object of contention among the great powers. Rather than sit idly by and watch China fall into the hands of other countries, Japan should step in and lead the change.
Of course, this "change" is more to meet the needs of Japan's own interests. Japan's ambitions for China were planted after the defeat in Sino-Japanese War.
With the failure of the Qing government's reforms, these seeds gradually germinated and grew, eventually leading to the bitter fruits of the war of aggression against China. The change in Japan's China policy is not only the result of the great power game, but also the embodiment of Japan's domestic militarist ideology.
epilogue
After the defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War, Japan's attitude towards the Qing government underwent a shift from expectation to disappointment.
They used China to counter Tsarist Russia and lost faith in the Qing court's ability to reform. Japan's observation and judgment of the Qing Dynasty profoundly affected Sino-Japanese relations thereafter.
This history has taught us that in the final analysis, the strength of a country depends on its own struggle. Only by forging ahead can we be invincible. #长文创作激励计划#
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