In 2000, Chen Shui-bian was elected leader of the Taiwan region, and Huang Fangyan, as the behind-the-scenes hero of the campaign, was pushed to the forefront of the political arena. Years later, when Chen Shui-bian was imprisoned for corruption, Wong's name was also closely linked to a huge money laundering scandal. This man, who once helped Chen Shui-bian raise campaign funds and sat firmly as the chief financial steward, is accused of assisting in the transfer of NT$280 million in "black money" abroad. However, when the storm of investigation hits, he has already quietly left the stage and embarked on a seemingly luxurious but undercurrent escape road. Why did Huang Fangyan escape? What was his life like in the United States?
2000 Taiwan regional leadership election
In 2000, Taiwan's political scene ushered in a moment of great change. In the spring of that year, the atmosphere of the election permeated the streets and alleys of Taiwan Island, and the propaganda vehicles of major candidates were constantly shuttling through the streets and alleys, and the horns were blaring one after another. At this time, the people of Taiwan are experiencing an unprecedented political baptism - the KMT's rule in Taiwan has not been shaken since 1949, and this election has brought new hope to voters who have been hoping for change for years.
In this fierce election campaign, DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian won the support of a large number of people with his clear-cut political stance and pro-people image. Born into an ordinary family in southern Taiwan, Chen Shui-bian has long regarded himself as a "grassroots" person, with outstanding eloquence and good at impressing voters with vivid and down-to-earth language. During the election campaign, he put forward a series of policy proposals that met the needs of the Taiwan people, especially emphasizing "Taiwan consciousness" and "localization", which was in sharp contrast to the policies of the KMT for a long time. His campaign slogan, "Taiwan Stand Up," is passionate, calling for a sense of pride and identity among Taiwanese.
As the election campaign continues to heat up, Chen Shui-bian's support rate has gradually risen. Campaign rallies everywhere were packed, with supporters waving green flags and chanting Chen Shui-bian's name. Chen Shui-bian on the podium was in high spirits, constantly interacting with the audience, and his words hit the hearts of the people: "We must be our own masters!" We want the world to see Taiwan! Such speeches often elicit bursts of cheers from the audience.
In the days following Chen Shui-bian's election, congratulations and support of all kinds poured in one after another. From small fishing villages to large cities, people across Taiwan spontaneously organize celebrations, and the streets of many cities are lined with congratulatory signs and green flags. The media have also described Chen Shui-bian as a "son of Taiwan," believing that he represents the Taiwan people's desire and pursuit of democracy.
Chen Shui-bian was a key figure in the campaign
Behind Chen Shui-bian's victory, there is a meritorious hero who has always worked silently, and he is Huang Fangyan. As the director of the finance committee of Chen Shui-bian's campaign headquarters, Huang Fangyan shouldered the crucial task of raising funds throughout the election campaign. The 2000 election in Taiwan was extremely competitive, and all the major candidates went all out to compete for votes. Faced with the formidable resources of the KMT and other powerful rivals, the DPP needs far more money than any previous election, and in particular, Chen Shui-bian's team, as a challenger, is facing unprecedented fund-raising pressure.
Huang Fangyan has been working at full speed since the early days of the campaign, going back and forth between major corporations, local chambers of commerce, and business friends who support Chen Shui-bian every day to raise funds for the campaign. At that moment of scarcity of funds, Huang's fundraising ability was particularly important. He has extensive contacts with the business world and is a flexible communicator, and many times even when he encounters difficulties, he can get things done with a three-inch tongue. His office has almost become a "wartime command center," with desks piled high with papers, phone calls, and a constant stream of people coming in and out, all busy trying to raise more money.
In addition to strategizing day and night in the office, Huang Fangyan also personally came forward to communicate with many bigwigs in the business world. His job is not only to raise funds, but also to ensure that the sources of these funds are legal and compliant, which makes him constantly in a state of high tension. In order to obtain corporate sponsorship, he often has to spend the whole day in the other party's company to explain in detail Chen Shui-bian's political views and future policy direction. He will carefully introduce the DPP's attitude towards economic development and the business opportunities that may be brought about by the new government. Many entrepreneurs initially took a wait-and-see attitude, but under Huang Fangyan's repeated persuasion, they gradually changed their views and were willing to help.
Huang Fangyan is also extremely cautious about the use of funds, and he always allocates the money raised to the most needed campaign projects, such as advertising campaigns and campaign rallies. To get the most out of every penny, he also scrutinizes expenses to make sure every dollar is being spent wisely.
At the scene of the campaign rally, Huang Fangyan often stood in the audience and silently observed to ensure that the arrangements went smoothly. Whenever Chen Shui-bian gave an impassioned speech on the stage and the supporters in the audience were enthusiastic, Huang Fangyan knew that his efforts had not been in vain.
Chen Shui-bian's tenure controversy and corruption allegations
Chen Shui-bian pursued many radical reforms and policies during his tenure in power, but after his term ended, he was mired in huge controversy and crisis due to corruption cases. In 2008, Chen Shui-bian's second term of office ended, and he was supposed to "retire peacefully," but he was pushed to the forefront because of one scandal after another. The earliest revelation by the media was that he was suspected of transferring funds through his family's overseas accounts. According to reports, Chen Shui-bian's daughter-in-law, Huang Ruiliang, suddenly had a large amount of money flowing in her account in United States, and this huge amount of money attracted the attention of the prosecutors.
The investigation showed that Huang Ruiliang's account was not only in United States, but also some funds were transferred to the Switzerland, and the source and destination of the money soon became the focus of the media and public opinion. As further investigation underway, more and more details emerged: the inflow of funds was not a short-term activity, but a multiple, multi-channel inward remittance, each time with enough amount to raise suspicion. The huge amount of money in these accounts is suspected to be the "black gold" accumulated by Chen Shui-bian through various channels during his term of office, and many of them are sources of funds, such as project kickbacks and confidential diplomatic funds. These accusations plunged Chen Shui-bian and his family into the whirlpool of public opinion.
When questioned by reporters, Chen Shui-bian took a firm attitude at first and flatly denied all the accusations. At a press conference, he claimed that these were "witch hunts" and accused the opposition of joining forces with the prosecution to attack him. However, as more and more evidence is revealed, things are becoming less and less optimistic. In August 2008, Kuomintang legislator Hong Xiuzhu held a press conference to break the news that Chen Shui-bian's daughter-in-law Huang Ruiliang's account in a Switzerland bank had been frozen on suspicion of "money laundering," and that Switzerland had submitted a request for judicial assistance to Taiwan.
The media reported a series of discoveries made by prosecutors in the course of the investigation, including the huge assets of the Chen Shui-bian family overseas and the records of unidentified funds. These pieces of evidence show that the large amount of money accumulated by Chen Shui-bian during his election campaign and during his administration was not truthfully declared in accordance with regulations, but was transferred overseas through complex financial operations. In the face of these mountains of irrefutable evidence, Chen Shui-bian gradually changed from denying it completely at the beginning to admitting some of the facts. In a subsequent statement, he admitted that there were indeed some remaining funds from the campaign that had not been declared, and said that the money was privately handled by his wife, Wu Shuzhen, and that he did not know about it.
At the same time, the prosecution's investigation also revealed another major case -- Chen Shui-bian's suspected "confidential diplomatic money case." According to the investigation, every time Chen Shui-bian visited an overseas country, he received a sum of diplomatic "pocket money" provided by relevant departments. According to regulations, all the funds should be used for expenses during the visit, but after each visit, Chen Shui-bian did not truthfully hand over or declare the money. On the contrary, some of the money was withheld, and there is even evidence that some of the money went directly to the account of Chen Shui-bian's son, Chen Zhizhong, overseas to support his study and living expenses.
The results of these investigations have undoubtedly dealt a huge blow to Chen Shui-bian's image. He went from being a former reformer and a "son of Taiwan" in the eyes of the people to being pushed into the abyss of corruption. At the same time, more allegations have emerged about his alleged abuse of power for personal gain during his tenure. For example, the Taiwan Gaojie project case and the suspicion of corruption in the highway ETC toll collection system all point to Chen Shui-bian and his family receiving huge kickbacks through the convenience of their positions. According to the information uncovered by the prosecutors, the overseas assets of the Chen Shui-bian family have reached more than NT$1 billion, and these assets obviously far exceed the scope of Chen Shui-bian's publicly declared income.
When questioned by the prosecution, Chen Shui-bian repeatedly used the words "I can't remember" or "I don't know" to respond to specific questions about the flow of money. He claimed that he did not directly handle the funds, and that all financial operations were handled by Wu Shuzhen. However, such rhetoric has not won the sympathy and understanding of society, and has only made more people question his true role in these transfers.
Huang Fangyan's absconding and a twist of fate
As Chen Shui-bian's corruption case continues to ferment, former campaign hero Huang Fangyan is also deeply involved. As Chen Shui-bian's close aide and financial leader, Huang Fangyan was accused of helping Chen Shui-bian launder up to NT$280 million, which made him the focus of public opinion. Prosecutors' investigations show that Huang Fangyan played a crucial role in facilitating the transfer of funds from the Chen Shui-bian family. Many funds were transferred overseas through complex financial means, among which Huang Fangyan, as a "key figure", acted as a middleman on many occasions, hiding these funds from unknown sources in multiple accounts abroad.
In the course of the prosecutor's in-depth investigation of Chen Shui-bian's family, Huang Fangyan gradually felt that the situation was serious. Before the special investigation team formally interviewed her, Huang Fangyan hurriedly left Taiwan and took a flight to United States, directly avoiding Taiwan's judicial investigation.
After arriving in the United States, Huang Fangyan did not live a low-key and escapist life. According to a 2012 report, his life in the United States was luxurious. He bought a NT$ seaview mansion in Los Angeles worth tens of millions of dollars. The exterior of the mansion is extraordinary, the interior is even more luxurious, and the furniture imported from Europe and the marble floor complement each other, revealing the taste of money everywhere.
Huang Fangyan's extravagant life has stunned the outside world, especially in the context of Taiwan's economic downturn and the public's deep dissatisfaction with government corruption. Many Taiwan media have sent reporters to the United States to investigate Huang's recent situation, and even tried to conduct interviews in the community where he lives, but Huang Fangyan has remained silent to the outside world and refused to respond to any accusations about the corruption case between him and Chen Shui-bian.
However, Huang's glamorous life in the United States did not last long. In January 2021, Huang Fangyan disappeared suddenly, and his family searched for him in vain, and finally a few days later, the police found his car in a parking lot in California. Inside the car, Huang Fangyan had no signs of life, holding a pistol in his hand and a brief suicide note beside him. After the news broke, Huang Fangyan's younger brother Huang Chongyan publicly confirmed that Huang Fangyan did shoot himself, and the cause of death has been confirmed by the local forensic doctor. This sudden ending caused an uproar in Taiwan society, and people were full of speculation about why Huang Fangyan chose such an extreme way to end his life.
The news of Huang's suicide has sparked widespread discussion in Taiwan. Some believe that the former campaign hero and Chen Shui-bian's loyal supporter ultimately failed to withstand the pressure of law and morality, and chose the most extreme way to escape reality. But some people also questioned whether Huang Fangyan knew more inside information, or whether he had other key evidence in his hands, and whether there was another hidden story behind his choice to commit suicide.
References:[1]Ma Peigui, Ma. Comparison of corruption crimes in the mainland, Taiwan and Hong Kong[J].Political Science and Law Review,1995(2):9-11