Speech. Welcome everyone to [follow] me, talk about the past and the present, and discuss the general trend of the world.
On June 7, 1915, the day when China, Russia and Mongolia signed the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente, Chinese Foreign Minister Sun Baoqi received a note from the Russian Minister to China, Kupensky, on the issue of immigration in the border area between Inner and Outer Mongolia.
In accordance with the request of the Russian side, Sun Baoqi said in the reply:
It is requested that the border area between Inner and Inner Mongolia be reserved as a nomadic land for local residents. The Chinese Government is of the view that it can agree in principle on this issue. As to the detailed delimitation of the zone, the Chinese Government is of the view that it should be determined at the time of the formal demarcation of the boundary set out in article 11 of the Treaty adopted at the Kyakhta Conference.
1. The humiliating nature of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente
The Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente was signed on the basis of the Sino-Russian Declaration Document and the Separate Declaration.
There is a contradiction between the "suzerainty" stipulated in the "Declaration Document" and the reference to "Outer Mongolia as a part of China's territory" in the "Separate Declaration". The former generally refers to the relationship between the "suzerain" and the "protectorate", while the latter refers to the relationship between the central and local governments. This has caused friction among China, Russia, and Mongolia on this issue, and has also provided an excuse for foreign Mongolia to refuse to give up "independence."
At the beginning of the meeting, all three parties came up with their own interpretations of "suzerainty". China stressed that Outer Mongolia is part of China's territory and demanded that Outer Mongolia cancel its national and imperial names, abolish its "independence," and restore the sovereign jurisdiction of the central government.
Outer Mongolia, on the other hand, demanded that its national and imperial titles be retained and that its "independence" be legitimized. Russia will not allow China to restore its jurisdiction over Outer Mongolia, nor will it allow Outer Mongolia to be completely "independent," but wants Outer Mongolia to become an "autonomous state" in the name of China's suzerainty. The terms of the Entente were essentially drawn up in accordance with the intentions of Russia.
China did not restore sovereignty over Outer Mongolia, but only achieved symbolic "suzerainty" over Outer Mongolia. As for Outer Mongolia, it was played by Russia. It both betrayed its rights to Russia and had to recognize China's suzerainty.
Russia has the most to gain from the Kyakhta negotiations, and it is the only winner in this negotiation. In accordance with Article 21 of the Treaty, China recognizes the continued validity of the Russian-Mongolian "Commercial Treaty".
Russia enjoys privileges in Outer Mongolia for duty-free trade, the establishment of postal services, the use of stations, and the trial of Russian-Mongolian lawsuits. Although the Entente did not mention the question of railways, Russia had de facto obtained the right to build railways in Outer Mongolia. Russia's aggressive rights and interests in Outer Mongolia were consolidated and strengthened.
The tariff provisions of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Treaty are extremely damaging to the interests of Chinese mainland businessmen.
According to Article 12 of the Treaty, Chinese mainland merchants have not obtained the same rights as Russian businessmen, nor has the Chinese central government obtained the power to restrict the collection of taxes by the Outer Mongolia authorities, and China's "suzerainty" is in name only.
The Treaty legalized the exorbitant taxes imposed by the Outer Mongolia authorities on mainland businessmen, and also provided a basis for them to arbitrarily exploit mainland businessmen in the future. Although there are no "tariffs", the authorities of Outer Mongolia collect so-called "domestic tariffs" in disguise, and the tax burden on Chinese mainland businessmen has increased.
Russia, on the other hand, could exclude Chinese mainland businessmen and British and American merchants by controlling the Outer Mongolia tax authorities and the "tax exemption" granted by this provision, thus turning Outer Mongolia into its exclusive sphere of influence.
Article 5 of the Treaty uses the word "exclusive". The so-called "autocratic power" is not granted by the central government, but is "unique" to Outer Mongolia, and the central government has neither the right to intervene nor the power to take it back.
The so-called "dictatorship" is the destruction and trampling on China's sovereignty under the guise of Outer Mongolia's "high degree of autonomy."
In accordance with the provisions of the Treaty, litigation between the people of Chinese mainland and Outer Mongolia is subject to the Sino-Mongolian joint trial system, and China's judicial sovereignty in Outer Mongolia has been undermined. China's judicial power in Outer Mongolia has been relegated to the same status as the Mongolia foreign government, which is a serious damage to China's sovereignty.
However, the Outer Mongolia authorities presented themselves as the protectors of Inner Mongolia in the negotiations, and joined hands with Russia to point fingers at the Chinese central government and obstruct China's governance in Inner Mongolia.
The note on the Chinese government's refusal to emigrate to the Mongolia side of the border between Inner and Inner Mongolia is a serious violation of China's sovereignty. This is an extension of Russia's aggressive tentacles to Inner Mongolia and another major loss of China's sovereignty after the Sino-Russian "Declaration Document."
Through the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente, China achieved only symbolic sovereignty over Outer Mongolia.
During the Qing Dynasty, China enjoyed full sovereignty over Outer Mongolia. The Qing Dynasty had troops of varying numbers in Kulen, Uriya Sutai and Kobdo. On behalf of the central government, the generals and ministers stationed in foreign Mongolia of the central government manage the preparation of foreign Mongolia soldiers, military training, and patrolling the border and tuntian.
The succession, titles, rewards, pilgrimages of the princes and living Buddhas of Outer Mongolia, as well as all foreign-related affairs of Outer Mongolia, shall be handled by the Imperial Court and the generals and ministers stationed in Outer Mongolia.
According to the Treaty, China cannot set up officials or immigrants in Outer Mongolia. The Chinese Consulate General has no say in the "internal affairs" of Outer Mongolia, and the scope of authority of the Commissariat is basically the same as that of the Russian Consul in Treasury.
Outer Mongolia can train its own army, buy weapons, hire instructors, and Mongolia also has the power to sign industrial and commercial treaties with foreign countries, and even political land treaties must be handled by China and Russia. It can be said that although Outer Mongolia is nominally part of China's territory, China's actual power is not as good as that of a suzerainty in the general sense.
2. Why does China repeatedly back down?
The Kyakhta negotiations lasted nine months, from September 1914 to June 1915. During this period, there were 48 formal meetings, more than 40 side consultations, and 3 stops. It takes so much time and the controversy is so fierce that it is rare to see in China's foreign relations.
In the course of the negotiations, the representatives of the Beijing government could not be said to have exhausted their efforts and fought on the basis of reason, and even had to resist each other by boycotting, but the negotiations eventually ended with China making concessions and accepting most of the other side's conditions.
The main reasons why China failed in the negotiations are as follows:
First of all, the absence of diplomacy by a weak country is the basic law of modern international relations. The Beijing government was forced to sign the Sino-Russian "Declaration" to legitimize Russia's interference in China's internal affairs, thus putting the Chinese side in an extremely unfavorable situation in the Kyakhta negotiations.
Second, the failure of the negotiations was also related to the external environment in which China was located at that time. As early as 1912, Japan and Russia signed a secret treaty to divide up Mongolia within and outside the mainland.
In January 1915, Japan proposed to the mainland the "21 Articles" for the destruction of China, demanding that its interests in the northeastern part of the mainland and the inner Mongolia region be specialized, thus putting the Chinese government in a state of being attacked at the negotiating table.
Therefore, the failure of China's negotiations is also the inevitable result of the competition between Japan and Russia to invade the mainland Mongolia region.
Finally, in terms of negotiation techniques, the Chinese delegates were not fully prepared before the negotiations and lacked special investigation and research, so that they did not have enough evidence at the meeting.
For example, in the negotiations, the number of Chinese centiacs issued, the amount of taxes charged by each card, and even the number of Chinese and Russian shops in Mongolia, the amount of capital, turnover, and the amount of profits are all relatively accurate.
However, the Chinese representative could not produce detailed data to refute it, and even if the figures were subsequently raised, there were still many words such as "never to the weight of 100 percent, not to as much as so-and-so", and even the exact tax rate of China's original tax in Outer Mongolia. This can only make China suffer in the negotiations.
Of course, this is only a secondary reason for the failure of China's tariff negotiations.
3. The Chinese government sent personnel to Outer Mongolia
The Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente determined the political status of Outer Mongolia, determined the new relations between Beijing and Kulun, and temporarily resolved the "Outer Mongolia question" arising from the "independence" of Outer Mongolia during the Xinhai years.
After June 7, 1915, relations between the Chinese government, Chinese mainland and "autonomous" Outer Mongolia were restored within the framework of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente.
On June 16, 1915, Yuan Shikai, President of The President of the Republic of China, appointed Chen Yi as the chief of the Metropolitan Protector in Kulun, and on June 22, appointed Chen Yi as the Deputy Envoy of the Metropolitan Protector in Uriya Sutaizoli, Liu Chonghui as the Deputy Envoy of the Metropolitan Protector in Kobdozoli, and Zhang Shouzeng as the Deputy Envoy of the Metropolitan Protector in Kyakhtuzoli.
Subsequently, the Beijing government formulated the "Statutes of the Office of the Clerks of Kulen" and the "Statutes of the Offices of the Commissioners of Ukraine, Ku and Chazoli".
On October 24, 1915, Chen Zheng arrived in Kulun, and the office of the clerk in the treasury began to open.
The Office of the Counselor of Kyakhtu was also established in the same month, and the former Counselor Zhang Shouzeng was dismissed for some reason and Zhang Qingtong was reappointed as the Counselor Commissioner.
Chen Yi, Commissioner of Uriya Sudei Zoli, arrived at the office in January 1916. In January 1916, the Beijing government appointed Xu Shizhen as the commissioner of Kobdo, and in September 1916, Xu Shizhen took up his post from Kulen via the Russian border.
Chen Zheng served in Kulen for one year and seven months before resigning and returning to Beijing in May 1917. The Beijing government appointed Li Kaiyu to succeed him, and Li resigned as a pro-old man, and the post of secretary general of the office was deputized by Yan Shichao, secretary general of the office for several months. In August 1917, the Beijing government promoted Chen Yi, the commissioner of Uriya Sudeani, to the chief of the treasury, and Chen Yi was succeeded by Enhua.
As soon as the Office of the Chinese Government in the Treasury was established, negotiations began between the Beijing Government and the Kulen authorities on the issue of the Babu Zabu Bandits and the issue of canonization.
4. The issue of the Babu Zabu bandits
Babu Zabu was a native of Tumut Left Banner (present-day Fuxin, Liaoning) of the Zhuosuotu League in Inner Mongolia, originally a bandit who served for the Japanese army during the Russo-Japanese War and later served as the police captain of Zhangwu County.
In 1911, after the foreign Mongolia declared independence, he defected to the Cullen authorities and became an officer in the foreign Mongolia army. In November 1913, after the signing of the Sino-Russian Declaration Document and the Separate Declaration, he led his 2,000 men to retreat to the border area between the Chechen Khan of Outer Mongolia and the Xilin Gol League of Inner Mongolia.
In the Sino-Russian "Declaration Document" and the "Separate Declaration", Russia recognized China's suzerainty over Outer Mongolia and recognized the land of Outer Mongolia as part of China's territory. Seeing that there was no hope of establishing a "Greater Mongolia" that included Inner Mongolia, and that they had not received money and land from the Outer Mongolia government, Babu Zab lost confidence in the Outer Mongolia government.
During the Sino-Russian negotiations between Monchaktu from September 1914 to June 1915, he led his troops to rob and harass the Xilin Gol League in Inner Mongolia, and colluded with Russia to serve it.
After the signing of the "Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente," the Chinese Government announced that it would pardon all Mongolia who had participated in the "independence" activities of foreign Mongolia, and that Mongolia of them would be allowed to return to the flag and live as before. Babu Zab did not disband the bandits, but returned to his hometown to live in peace. He sought arms assistance from Russia and Japan, attempted to establish "semi-independence" in the Xilin Gol League in Inner Mongolia, and expanded the strength of the bandit army, and his men and horses were organized into 15 battalions and continued to plunder and harass in the eastern part of Inner Mongolia.
The government of Outer Mongolia has an ambiguous attitude towards the Babu Zab issue. On the one hand, it allows the Babu Zab bandits to return to Inner Mongolia with large quantities of weapons and "still pay the Babu Zab and its soldiers"; On the other hand, it "persuaded him to stop the robbery and recognize the power of the Peking government". Babu Zab adhered to his stubborn position and did not accept the opinion of the Outer Mongolia government. The Beijing government is determined to eradicate this bandit.
At the same time that Chen Zheng arrived at the Kulun office, the troops of the Beijing government launched an encirclement and suppression of the Ba bandits.
On November 5, 1915, the Linxi town guard Mi Zhenbiao's troops defeated the Ba bandits at Baiyingao, and the Ba bandits fled to Yougeji Temple on the Outer Mongolia side of the border between Inner and Outer Mongolia. The southeastern border official of the Outer Mongolia government, Yougeji Hutuktu, "had hundreds of defenders under his subordinates," and the Hutuketu not only did not stop the Ba bandits, but also sheltered them, allowing the Ba bandits to entrench themselves in the Yougeji Temple.
The Beijing government asked the Outer Mongolia government to send troops to suppress the bandits, and the bandits asked the Kulen authorities to give him two pieces of money and guns. The Outer Mongolia government "did not dare to accept the help because of the repeated defeats of the Pakistani bandits," but it also did not agree to the Beijing government's request that the Babai bandits be suppressed.
On the one hand, it mobilized 2,000 Mongolian soldiers to prepare to go south, called the anti-blockade of the Pakistani bandits, but in fact, to prevent the blockade of the central government army; On the one hand, he negotiated with the Beijing government through Chen Zheng to obstruct the central government's army from suppressing bandits.
At dawn on November 22, 1915, the Chinese government army, under the command of Xiao Liangchen, the guard of Duolun Town, launched an attack on the nest of the bandits in Yougeji Temple.
The Living Buddha of Yougeji Temple shielded and helped the Ba bandits and was detained by government forces. Babu Zabu led the remnants of the party to flee to the Hulunbuir area, where he took refuge in Wu Sadi, the Russian vice-consul in Hailar.
After the battle to exterminate the Babu Zabu bandits began, the Beijing government, the Outer Mongolia government, and the Russian tsarist government held many negotiations on the issue of the Babu Zabu bandits. The Kulen authorities accused the central government forces of pursuing those who had been pardoned for no reason, "crossing the border and destroying temples for no reason, killing and injuring people", demanded that the central government forces withdraw their troops, and also demanded that the damage be investigated and the measures to be dealt with should be discussed.
Russian Consul General in Kulen Miller accused the Chinese government troops of "crossing the border to suppress bandits and violating the treaty," openly saying that "Outer Mongolia is Chinese territory, but the term in the treaty is that Inner and Outer Mongolia have a boundary and should not be invaded and crossed at will." He demanded that the Chinese government troops withdraw outside Outer Mongolia, release the living Buddha of Yougeji Temple, and compensate Outer Mongolia for the losses suffered.
Russian Minister to China Kupensky urgently met with the Chinese Foreign Minister and demanded that "the withdrawal of Chinese troops from Outer Mongolia is not excessive to meet the Mongolia government's demands." The Russian envoy intimidated the Beijing government, claiming that the Chinese government "may be in danger if it does not allow it."
In late November and early December 1915, Cullen was enveloped in an atmosphere of unease. The Outer Mongolia cavalry set out from Kulen and headed south, "the sound of horns". The Russian consulate and the Russian trade circles imposed martial law, "as if facing a great enemy".
Chen Zhen and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Beijing government refuted the accusations of the Kulen authorities and the Russian government, pointing out that Outer Mongolia is Chinese territory, and the Chinese army does not care about crossing the border to suppress bandits in its own territory: resolutely refuses to compensate for the losses of Outer Mongolia; Asking the Kulen authorities to assist in the eradication of the Pakistani bandits; It was stated that as long as the Outer Mongolia government handed over the Babu Zabu, the Chinese central government forces would immediately withdraw.
The Russian government advised the Beijing government to reach an understanding with the Outer Mongolia government on the Babu Zab issue, and at the same time placed him under Russian protection on the grounds that Babu Zab had contributed to Russia in eliminating the German agent Pannanim and others.
Seeing that the main force of the remnants of the Pakistani bandits had been defeated, the Kulen authorities were preparing troops to block the central government forces, and Russia was biased in favor of the Kulen authorities, it decided to make certain concessions. From January 1916, the Chinese government troops successively evacuated the Yougeji Temple, and the Living Buddha of Yougeji Temple went south with the army and entered Beijing to meet the President of the Republic of China. The Beijing government "does not remember the old evils, gives them preferential treatment", and then sends them back.
The Babu Zabu bandit gang entrenched in the Hulunbuir area has not been disbanded, and the Japan ronin is still operating in the Babu bandit camp. The Outer Mongolia government wanted to ease relations with the central government, demanding that Babu Zab's subordinates "hand over their weapons and return to their homeland." Babu Zab demanded that the Kulen authorities pay their military salaries, and the Russian government believed that the Kulen authorities should raise funds to distribute to Babu Zab's subordinates.
The bandits were unable to fill the bandits, and the financially exhausted Outer Mongolia government failed to meet Babu Zabu's demands, and the Japan ronin and the Zongshe Party used Babu Zabu to engage in political activities to restore the Qing Dynasty, and the bandit gang was never disbanded, and continued to loot and harass in eastern Inner Mongolia. In October 1916, Babu Zabu led his army into the vicinity of Linxi, "reorganizing the army and horses, hoping to invite the official army", but was attacked by the central government army, and Babu Zabu was killed.
The remaining parties continued to operate for a while in eastern Inner Mongolia before being co-opted by local authorities.
5. Negotiation on the issue of canonization
The elimination of the Babu Zabu bandits was an important event in the history of Inner and Outer Mongolia after the signing of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente. This move by the Beijing government has safeguarded the political stability of Inner Mongolia and given a certain deterrent to the ruling circles of Outer Mongolia, which is conducive to safeguarding national unity and territorial integrity.
Negotiations on the canonization issue began on the 6th day of Chen's arrival in Kulun. The Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente completely destroyed China's territorial sovereignty in Outer Mongolia, and China retained only an empty suzerainty.
This suzerainty is mainly reflected in the canonization of Jebtsundamba by the Chinese president. The Beijing government decided to send a special envoy to Kulen to hold a ceremony to confer the golden seal and golden book on Jebtsundamba.
On the day the "Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente" was signed, the Beijing Government issued a presidential decree announcing the canonization of Jebtsundamba as "Outer Mongolia Bokdo Jebzundamba Hutuktu Khan" and specially appointed Xu Shaozhen and Rong Xun as special envoys for canonization; the Beijing Government planned that Chen Zheng would first agree with the Outer Mongolia government on the specific matters of the canonization ceremony, and then the canonization envoy would go to complete the canonization.
On the fifth day of his arrival in Kulun, Chen Ji went to visit the deputy justice minister of the Outer Mongolia government and the king of Jinong County, Hilning Damuding, and learned from the conversation that the Outer Mongolia government had no intention of accepting the golden book and the golden seal.
Chen Zheng "knew that there would be a change in the canonization matter, so he hurriedly sent the draft canonization etiquette to the Outer Mongolian government on the morning of the 29th (day), and sent a telegram to Xu and Rong to the envoys to set off quickly to avoid complications."
On November 1, the Kulen authorities regarded the canonization as "an attempt by the Beijing government to restore the old system of Hutuketu under the complete jurisdiction of China," and on November 1 they replied to Chen Zheng, claiming that "Article 4 of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente does not contain the words "giving gold seals and golden books," and refused to allow the arrival of the canonization envoy and the acceptance of gold seals and gold books.
At the same time, under pressure from the Russian minister to China, Kupenschi, the Beijing government ordered Xu Shaozhen and others to postpone the trip.
In November, Chen Zhen wrote to the Outer Mongolia government three times, and met with the "prime minister" and "foreign minister" of the Outer Mongolia Autonomous Government, explaining that "the two words of canonization contained in the treaty are to send canonization and conferral of seals..." "Sending a special envoy to send a seal book is a proper procedure for canonization," and asked the Outer Mongolia government to agree to receive the canonization envoy and accept the gold seal and gold book. ”
The government of Outer Mongolia has not changed its attitude.
While negotiating with the Outer Mongolia Autonomous Government through Chen Zhen about the canonization, the Beijing Government also negotiated with the Russian Government through the Chinese Envoy to Russia and the Russian Minister to China, requesting the Russian Government to exert influence on the Outer Mongolia Autonomous Government to get the Outer Mongolia Government to agree to receive the canonization envoy.
The Russian government refused to put pressure on the Outer Mongolia government on this issue, and Russian Foreign Minister Shachanov claimed:
The Russian Government "does not have any doubt about the refusal of the envoys to be sent to the Mongolians, since the mission of the Chinese envoys indicates that Mongolia and China are intended, and according to the recently signed treaty, Hutuktu is not a Mongolia ruler subordinate to China, but only a head of state with whom he has a subordinate relationship with China."
The government in Beijing continued to make requests to Russia and promised that "the envoy's attaché may be reduced when needed, and the envoy will stay in Kulen only for the most necessary time".
Shachanov instructed Kupensy to say:
"The question is not how long the envoy will stay in Kulen, but that the envoy has the character of a foreign ruler who is normally canonized in China and subordinate to China. We cannot advise, nor do we want to advise, the Mongolia government to restore Mongolia to the position it was in before it separated from China. ”
While the governments of China and Russia and the autonomous government of Outer Mongolia were arguing over the issue of canonization, negotiations between the three parties on the issue of the Babu Zabu bandits became tense. Although the Beijing government halted its advance after the occupation of Yougeji Temple, it did not make any further concessions.
It refuted the theory of "crossing the border", resolutely refused to compensate for the losses of Outer Mongolia, and the troops occupying the Yougeji Temple did not immediately withdraw, and brought the Living Buddha of Yougeji to Beijing. When Chen Zheng negotiated the Babu Zab issue with the Kulen authorities, he jointly and severally proposed that the Kulen authorities must accept the canonization.
The Babu Zabu incident was a turning point in the relationship between the Chinese government and the autonomous government of Outer Mongolia. When the Beijing army routed the Babu Zab bandits and entered Outer Mongolia, the war was raging in Europe and the Russian government had no further action except verbal intimidation. From this incident, the Kulen authorities saw that relying on Russian support to oppose the Chinese government would not work, and their position on the issue of canonization changed.
After the negotiations on the Babu Zabu gang issue were concluded, Chen Zheng again raised the issue of canonization with the Outer Mongolia Autonomous Government in early March 1916. The Outer Mongolia Autonomous Government no longer objected to accepting the golden seal and the golden book, but only demanded that no separate envoy be sent for canonization, and that Chen Zhen, a senior member of the Treasury Office, handle the canonization matters.
The Beijing government agreed, and explicitly appointed Chen Zheng as a special envoy for canonization. Chen Zheng then agreed on the canonization etiquette with the Outer Mongolia government.
On July 8, 1916, the ceremony of The President of the Republic of China canonization of Jebtsundamba was held at the Kulun Dagangden Palace. At that time, Chen Zheng wore a ceremonial dress, took a green sedan chair, led his subordinates, and "fired a cannon to board the public opinion" under the escort of 46 guards. The Outer Mongolia government greeted more than 100 Liemong soldiers outside the gate of the Dagangden Palace.
More than 50 people attended the ceremony, including Jebtsundamba and all officials and senior lamas of Outer Mongolia. In the middle of the temple there was a long case, covered with red felt. The canonization made Chen Zheng "bow down, put the seal on the case, and read the text".
It was then translated into Mongolian by the secretary Wang Fengyi.
Chen Zheng finished reading the book and bowed. Two Outer Mongolia officials "put the seal on the north-facing case." Jebu Tsundamba led all the officials to bow to the seal book three times, and bowed to Chen Envoy once, and the salute was finished.
Subsequently, Chen Zheng handed over to him 12 boxes of gifts given to Jebtsundamba by the president of the Republic of China, and Jebtsundamba also gave gifts in return.
The issue of the canonization of Jebtsundamba by the President of The President of the Republic of China is over.
Looking at the process of resolving this issue, the Chinese Government advocates sending a special envoy, issuing a canonized seal, and solemnly canonizing Jebtsundamba, with the aim of expanding the influence of the Chinese Government in Outer Mongolia and asserting China's territorial sovereignty over Outer Mongolia. The Tsarist government's support for the Outer Mongolia government's refusal to accept the seal and the special envoy was an attempt to minimize the influence of the Chinese government in Outer Mongolia and to resist the Chinese government's exercise of territorial sovereignty over the Outer Mongolia region.
With the concessions of both the Chinese government and the Outer Mongolia government, the canonization ceremony was finally completed. The canonization ceremony was simpler than similar ceremonies in the Qing Dynasty, but the scale was slightly smaller, and the completion of this canonization was a success for the Chinese government.
(End of text)
If you have other topics or opinions about the field of history, you can [follow] me for a private chat, or you can leave a message in the comment area below and reply as soon as possible.