In the history of the Chinese revolution, Li Lisan is a controversial figure. He was one of the important leaders of the early CCP and formulated the "Lisan Line" that shocked the party. However, a twist of fate led him to commit suicide in 1967. But what is less known is that Li Lisan also has a Soviet wife, Li Sha. What kind of life did this red revolutionary from a foreign country experience after the death of her husband? Will she remain in China? What does she think of her husband's political career? And how did she spend her long old age? Let's uncover this little-known history together.
Everyone knows that Li Lisan was an important leader of the Communist Party of China in the early days, but they do not know that his revolutionary career began in France, a foreign country. In 1899, Li Lisan was born in Liling County, Hunan Province, and was brilliant since childhood. In 1919, when the May Fourth Movement was surging, Li Lisan, who was only 20 years old, embarked on a work-study journey to France with the ambition of serving the country.
At that time, Paris was the place where various currents of thought converged
Li Lisan here not only has to deal with the hardships of life, but also has to face the impact of thought. While toiling in the factory, he read Marxist works voraciously. It was on this land that Li Lisan gradually formed his own revolutionary ideals.
In 1921, Li Lisan and a group of like-minded Chinese students actively propagated revolutionary ideas in France. They organized rallies and distributed leaflets, which alarmed the French authorities. In October of the same year, Li Lisan was expelled from the French government for his revolutionary activities. However, instead of dampening his revolutionary fervor, he was forced to return to China, but rather strengthened his conviction.
Upon his return to China, Li Lisan immediately joined the Chinese Communist Party. He first led the workers' movement in the Anyuan Road Mine, and later participated in the organization of the Hunan peasant movement. In 1927, the Revolution failed, and many people were left in a state of confusion. However, Li Lisan put forward the idea of armed resistance at this critical moment. He believed that only by mobilizing the masses and rearming themselves could the decay of the revolution be saved.
Li Lisan's proposition has won the attention of the party Central Committee. During the Nanchang uprising, he was appointed a member of the Former Enemies Committee, responsible for security and mass work. After the uprising, Li Lisan went south with his troops, propagating revolutionary ideas and mobilizing the masses along the way. His enthusiasm for work and organizational skills were affirmed by comrades in the party.
In 1928, Li Lisan participated in leading the workers' movement in Shanghai. He organized a huge commemorative meeting of the May Day Movement, and once again demonstrated his ability to work with the masses. It was with these outstanding performances that Li Lisan gradually made a name for himself in the party.
In 1929, after the Second Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Li Lisan became the temporary principal responsible person of the Party Central Committee. In this position, he began to formulate what would become known as the "Lisan Line". This policy advocated armed uprisings in the cities, the establishment of Soviet power in one or several provinces, and a general strike throughout the country.
The proposal of the "Lisan line" has caused great controversy within the party. Some people believe that this is a manifestation of adventurism and does not correspond to the actual situation in China at that time. However, Li Lisan firmly believed in his own judgment that the Chinese revolution had reached the moment of decisive battle.
In June 1930, the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China adopted the resolution "A New Revolutionary Upsurge and the First Victory of One or Several Provinces" drafted by Li Lisan. This resolution marked the official establishment of the "three lines" as the guiding principle of the party. However, subsequent practice proved that there were serious problems with this line, which led to a heavy blow to the revolutionary forces.
In September of the same year, delegates of the Comintern came to China and severely criticized the "three lines." Li Lisan had no choice but to make self-criticism and admit his mistakes. Since then, he has left the party's core leadership position and moved to work behind the scenes.
Although the "Lisan line" was criticized, Li Lisan did not give up the revolutionary cause
He continued to hold important positions within the party and contributed his strength to the Chinese revolution. In the years that followed, Li Lisan experienced major historical events such as the Long March and the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, and witnessed the twists and turns of the Chinese revolution.
In Li Lisan's magnificent revolutionary career, his encounter with the Soviet woman Li Sha can be called a good story. This revolutionary love that crossed borders not only added romance to Li Lisan's life, but also built a unique bridge for the revolutionary cause of China and the Soviet Union.
Lisha, whose original name was Elizaveta Pavlovna Kishkina, was born in Russia in 1914 into a working-class family. She was exposed to revolutionary ideas from an early age, and her father was an old Bolshevik party member. Growing up in this family atmosphere, Li Sha established her ambition to fight for the revolutionary cause very early.
In the early 1930s, during Stalin's purges, Lisa's father was wrongfully arrested. In order to prove his father's innocence, the young Lisa ran around and even wrote a letter to Stalin to complain in person. This kind of strength and courage are the important traits that will attract Li Lisan in the future.
In 1935, Li Lisan came to Moscow as a member of the CCP delegation to attend the Seventh Congress of the Communist International. At that time, he was no longer the core leader of the party, but he was still working hard for the cause of the Chinese revolution. In Moscow, he met Lisa, who worked in the Comintern.
The meeting between the two seems to be arranged by fate. Lisha was working as a translator for the Comintern at the time and was fluent in Russian and English. Her ingenuity and revolutionary fervor soon attracted Li Lisan's attention. And Li Lisan's firm belief and rich experience also made Li Sha fall in love.
During their time in Moscow, Li Lisan and Li Sha often discussed revolutionary theories together and shared their experiences and insights. Their ideological fit has laid a solid foundation for the relationship between the two. Despite linguistic and cultural differences, shared revolutionary ideals brought them closer together.
In 1936, Li Lisan and Li Sha held a simple and solemn wedding in Moscow. This marriage was not only a union of two people, but also an alliance of revolutionaries from both countries. Soon after his marriage, Li Lisan was to return to China to continue his revolutionary work. Faced with the impending separation, Lisa resolutely decided to follow her husband back to China.
In 1938, Li Lisan and Li Sha returned to war-torn China. For Lisa, who had never been to the East, it was undoubtedly a great challenge. She had to adapt to a new environment, learn an unfamiliar language, and face difficult living conditions. But with amazing adaptability and strong will, Li Sha quickly integrated into the revolutionary life in China.
After returning to China, Li Lisan was sent to Yan'an. In this mecca of the revolution, Lisa began her first job in China as a Chinese teaching Russian at the Yan'an Foreign School. She used her professional knowledge to train a large number of foreign language talents for the Chinese revolution and made important contributions to the exchanges between China and the Soviet Union.
In 1939, Li Sha gave birth to their eldest daughter, Li Yingnan, in Yan'an. Despite the difficult living conditions, the arrival of this little life brought infinite joy to this revolutionary family. While taking care of her children, Li Sha still insists on working and studying, showing the tenacity and ability of a revolutionary woman.
With the deepening of the Anti-Japanese War, Li Lisan was sent to work in the northeast. Lisa came to Harbin to teach at the local Russian language school. She not only taught language knowledge, but also disseminated revolutionary ideas to students, cultivating more talents for the cause of the Chinese revolution.
In that special era, Li Lisan and Li Sha's married life was not easy
They often live in two separate places, gathering less and leaving more. However, the two always maintained frequent correspondence, encouraged each other, and fought together for the revolutionary cause. In her letters, Li Sha often reported her work to Li Lisan, and would also ask him about his current situation and express her thoughts and support for him.
Li Sha's life in China is simple, but it is fulfilling and happy. She is not only Li Lisan's wife, but also his comrade and comrade-in-arms. In her spare time, Li Sha also strives to learn Chinese and gain a deeper understanding of Chinese culture. Her hard work and progress made her gradually become an excellent "China expert" and made important contributions to the later Sino-Soviet cultural exchanges.
The marriage of Li Lisan and Li Sha is not only a touching revolutionary love story, but also a vivid portrayal of the unity and cooperation of Chinese and Soviet revolutionaries. Their combination has built a unique bridge for the revolutionary cause of the two countries and left a strong mark in the history of the Chinese revolution and the history of Sino-Soviet relations.
Li Lisan's political career is like a drama of ups and downs, from the early revolutionary enthusiasm to the later political setbacks, and finally ended in tragedy. This political process, which spanned half a century, not only witnessed the development of the Communist Party of China, but also reflected the political situation of that special era.
In 1921, Li Lisan returned from France and immediately devoted himself to the revolutionary cause. He first led the workers' movement in the Anyuan Road Mine and organized the famous "Anyuan Road Miners' Strike". The strike was not only victorious, but also earned Li Li-san the reputation of "leader of the workers' movement." Subsequently, he participated in and led the Hunan peasant movement, and accumulated rich experience in mass work in practice.
After the defeat of the Great Revolution in 1927, Li Lisan put forward the idea of armed resistance. He participated in the organization of the Nanchang Uprising and served as a member of the Former Enemies Committee. After the failure of the uprising, Li Lisan went south with his troops to continue his revolutionary propaganda work. This experience laid the foundation for his meteoric rise within the party in the future.
In 1928, Li Lisan led the workers' movement in Shanghai and organized a huge commemorative meeting of the May Day Movement. His organizational ability and ability to work with the masses were recognized by his comrades in the party. In 1929, after the Second Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Li Lisan became the temporary principal responsible person of the Party Central Committee.
In this position, Li Lisan began to implement what came to be known as the "Lisan Line." He advocated an armed uprising in the cities, the establishment of Soviet power in one or several provinces, and a general strike throughout the country. In June 1930, the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee adopted the resolution "A New Revolutionary Upsurge and the First Victory of One or Several Provinces" drafted by Li Lisan, marking that the "Lisan line" had become the guiding principle of the Party.
However, the "Lisan Line" soon suffered a serious setback. This overly radical policy led to a heavy blow to the revolutionary forces and aroused strong resentment in the Comintern. In September 1930, representatives of the Comintern came to China and severely criticized the "three lines". Li Lisan had no choice but to make self-criticism and admit his mistakes.
Since then, Li Lisan has left the party's core leadership post and moved to behind-the-scenes work. Despite this, he did not abandon the revolutionary cause. In the years that followed, Li Lisan continued to hold important positions in the party and participated in major historical events such as the Long March and the War of Resistance Against Japan.
In 1945, the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held, and Li Lisan was elected as a member of the Central Committee
This seems to herald the second spring of his political career. However, fate played a joke on him again. In 1946, Li Lisan was sent to work in the Northeast Bureau. There, he had a serious disagreement with Gao Gang, which led to another political dilemma.
After the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Li Lisan was appointed chairman of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions. This should have been an important leadership position, but in fact Li Lisan has been marginalized. Some of his practices in trade union work were criticized as "syndicalist" tendencies.
In the early 1950s, as Sino-Soviet relations became increasingly close, Li Lisan's Soviet background became his political capital. He was sent to Moscow to participate in Sino-Soviet negotiations on economic cooperation. However, this visit also became a reason for him to be criticized in the future.
In 1959, Li Lisan supported Peng Dehuai's views at the Lushan Conference, believing that there were some problems in the Great Leap Forward. This position put him in a political dilemma again. Although he was quick to self-criticize, his political position was irretrievable.
After the outbreak of the Cultural Revolution, Li Lisan became the target of criticism. He was accused of being a "traitor", a "traitor", and a "thief". In the face of all kinds of false accusations, Li Lisan, who was in his late teens, could not bear it and committed suicide in Beijing on June 22, 1967.
Li Lisan's political career came to a tragic end. His life has undergone a tremendous transformation from a revolutionary leader to a political fringe figure, and witnessed the tortuous development of the Communist Party of China. His political career was full of ups and downs, culminating in tragedy and becoming a microcosm of that particular era.
Li Lisan's political thought has left a profound imprint on the history of the development of the Communist Party of China. As one of the early leaders of the CCP, his ideas not only reflected the revolutionary passion of that era, but also reflected the initial exploration of the localization of Marxism by the Chinese Communists.
Li Lisan's political thinking is mainly embodied in the "Lisan line" he proposed. This line was formed around 1930, when China was in the midst of the White Terror period under the rule of the Kuomintang. In the face of the grim revolutionary situation, Li Lisan put forward a series of radical propositions.
First, Li Lisan advocated an armed uprising in the city. In his view, the city was the place where the proletariat was concentrated and the center of Kuomintang rule. By launching an uprising in the cities, it was possible to strike directly at the foundations of the KMT's rule. This thought reflects the great importance that Li Lisan attaches to the power of the urban working class.
Second, Li Lisan proposed the establishment of Soviet power in one or more provinces. He believed that by establishing revolutionary power in local areas, favorable conditions could be created for the victory of the revolution throughout the country. This thought embodies Li Lisan's optimistic assessment of the revolutionary situation.
Again, Li Lisan advocated a nationwide general strike. He believed that the power of the working class could be fully exerted by means of strikes, thus dismantling the rule of the Kuomintang. This idea reflects the importance that Li Lisan attaches to the workers' movement.
In June 1930, the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee adopted the resolution "A New Revolutionary Upsurge and the First Victory of One or Several Provinces" drafted by Li Lisan, marking that the "Lisan line" had become the guiding principle of the Party. In this resolution, Li Lisan elaborated on his political ideas.
Li Lisan believes that the Chinese revolution is at a new climax and the conditions are ripe. He proposed that this opportunity should be seized to launch an armed uprising in the central cities and to establish Soviet power in one or more provinces. At the same time, he advocated the organization of a nationwide general strike to accompany the armed uprising.
These ideas of Li Lisan had a significant impact at the time
In response to the call of the central authorities, many local party organizations began to prepare for armed uprisings. In some cities, the workers' movement is also gaining momentum. However, due to overly optimistic estimates of the revolutionary situation, these actions ultimately failed.
Although the "Lisan Line" has encountered setbacks in practice, it still has a far-reaching impact on the development of the Communist Party of China. First of all, it reflects the initial exploration of the Chinese Communists on the Sinicization of Marxism. Li Lisan's attempt to integrate Marxist revolutionary theory with China's specific reality provided important lessons for the formation of Mao Zedong Thought later.
Second, the "Lisan Line" emphasized the importance of the working class, and this idea was inherited and developed in the later practice of the Chinese revolution. Although the Communist Party of China (CPC) ultimately chose the path of encircling the cities from the countryside, the importance of the working class has always been an important concept of the party.
Third, the failure of the "Lisan line" prompted in-depth ideological discussions within the party and promoted the party's theoretical building. By summing up the lessons of the "three lines," the Communist Party of China (CPC) has gradually formed a revolutionary line that is more in line with China's reality.
In addition, some of Li Lisan's thoughts in trade union work are also worthy of attention. He advocated that trade unions should give full play to their role and protect workers' rights and interests. Although these ideas were criticized at the time as "syndicalist" tendencies, they still have their legitimacy today.
Although Li Lisan's political thinking is deviated in some respects, it reflects the sincere efforts of the Chinese communists in the process of exploring the road of the Chinese revolution. His thought has gone through the process of being enshrined as a model to being criticized, which in itself is a microcosm of the ideological development of the Communist Party of China.
Although the "Lisan line" was ultimately proven wrong, Li Lisan's political ideas still occupy an important place in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. It is not only an important part of the early history of the Communist Party of China, but also provides valuable lessons for the later theoretical development of the party. Studying Li Lisan's political thought will help us understand the development process of the Communist Party of China more comprehensively.
As one of the early leaders of the Communist Party of China, Li Lisan's historical status and evaluation have always been the focus of attention in academic circles. From the pioneer of the revolution to the political setbacks to the final tragic ending, Li Lisan's life reflects not only the ups and downs of his personal destiny, but also the twists and turns of the Chinese revolution.
In the official historical narrative of the Chinese Communist Party, Li Lisan's evaluation has undergone several major changes. In his early days, he was hailed as a prominent leader of the workers' movement for his leadership of the Anyuan Road miners' movement. In 1930, the "Lisan Line" led by him became the guiding principle of the Party and was once regarded as an important contribution to revolutionary theory. However, this line was soon criticized, and Li Lisan himself fell into a political dilemma.
At the Seventh Party Congress in 1945, Li Lisan was elected as a member of the Central Committee, which seemed to herald a resurgence of his political career. However, his political status was once again affected by his conflicts with Gao Gang during his work in the Northeast Bureau, and his later criticism of "syndicalist" tendencies in the work of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions.
During the Cultural Revolution, Li Lisan suffered severe political persecution. He was labeled as a "traitor", "traitor", "thief", etc., and finally couldn't bear it and chose to commit suicide. This tragic ending is not only an unfortunate personal fate, but also a microcosm of that special era.
After the reform and opening up, the party and the state reassessed historical issues
In 1982, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China rehabilitated Li Lisan and affirmed his contribution to the Chinese revolution. This rehabilitation is not only a historical justification of Li Li's three people, but also a reflection and correction of the party's own history.
In contemporary academic circles, the evaluation of Li Lisan tends to be objective and comprehensive. Scholars generally believe that Li Lisan was an idealistic and ambitious revolutionary who made important contributions to the cause of the Chinese revolution. In particular, his performance in the early years of the workers' movement demonstrated his outstanding organizational skills and revolutionary zeal.
At the same time, the academic community has also conducted an in-depth analysis of the "Lisan Line". It is generally believed that this line reflected the radical thinking under the revolutionary situation at that time, and although there were obvious defects, it also reflected the initial exploration of the Chinese Communists in the Sinicization of Marxism. Although this exploration was unsuccessful, it provided an important negative teaching material for the later formation of Mao Zedong Thought.
Some of Li Lisan's ideas in trade union work, such as emphasizing the independence of trade unions and the importance of safeguarding workers' rights and interests, still seem reasonable today. These ideas provide a useful reference for us to understand and deal with labor-management relations in the new era.
In addition, Lee's experience also provides us with material for thinking about intra-party democracy and policy-making mechanisms. The formation and critique of the "Lisan Line" reflects the immaturity of the early decision-making mechanism of the Communist Party of China. This historical lesson prompted the party to pay more attention to collective decision-making and scientific decision-making in later practice.
In the study of the history of the international communist movement, Li Lisan also occupies a place. His experience reflected certain characteristics of the international communist movement in the thirties of the twentieth century, especially the influence of the Comintern on the communist parties of various countries. This provides us with a unique perspective on how to understand the international communist movement of that era.
The tragic fate of Li Lisan has also provoked people to think about the personal fate of revolutionaries. His experience shows that in times of rapid change, personal destiny is often closely linked to the tide of the times. This relationship between the individual and the times has become an important dimension in the interpretation of modern Chinese history.
In the field of literature and art, Li Lisan's story has also received widespread attention. Many novels, plays and TV series have taken him as a prototype and created a complex and human image of a revolutionary. These works not only enrich the public's understanding of this period of history, but also provide a new perspective for exploring the spiritual world of revolutionaries.
In general, Li Lisan's position in the history of the Chinese revolution cannot be ignored. His contributions, mistakes, and fate have all become important clues to the interpretation of the history of the Communist Party of China and the course of the Chinese revolution. Studying Li Lisan not only helps us better understand the development process of the Communist Party of China, but also provides valuable material for us to think about the relationship between revolution, reform and personal destiny.