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Russia Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov's remarks at the UN General Assembly seemed to pour cold water on Turkey: the BRICS countries have temporarily shelved their expansion plans, and Turkey's request to join may come to fruition. This is not only a setback for Turkey, but also a profound reflection of the complex entanglement of interests in current international relations.
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The topic of BRICS enlargement has been the focus of heated discussions in the international community, and since the announcement of the admission of five new members last year, the BRICS countries have quickly transformed from a five-nation alliance into a club of ten. This is a historic expansion, but with it comes new problems. The pressure of internal adjustment, the collision of interests between new and old members, and the adaptability of the cooperation mechanism began to emerge, and the BRICS countries had to temporarily slow down the pace of expansion.
Turkey has been particularly active in this process, and Turkey President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been trying to further enhance Turkey's position in global affairs by joining the BRICS alliance. The Turkey government has gone to great lengths to promote its unique position as a bridge between East and West, trying to prove that it is capable and qualified to become a new member of BRICS.
However, Turkey's "eagerness" was not recognized by the BRICS. Turkey's diplomatic tactics, while very persuasive on some occasions, appear to be a bit too strong in this multilateral cooperation organization.
The BRICS countries have been cautious about enlargement, and the original five members – China, Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa – represent the core power of emerging markets around the world. Not only do they cooperate closely economically, but they also share similar demands politically.
But with the addition of Egypt, Iran, U.A.E., Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia, the multilateral platform is beginning to face more complex internal coordination issues. Each new member brings its own demands and interests, and how to find a balance between these countries has become the biggest challenge for the BRICS countries at present.
The principle of "like-mindedness" mentioned by Lavrov in his speech is clearly an accurate summary of the current situation. BRICS cooperation is based on common economic interests and political goals, but after the expansion, the differences of interest between new and old members have gradually emerged, especially on some global issues.
For example, the BRICS Foreign Ministers' Meeting recently failed to issue a joint statement during the UN General Assembly because India, Brazil, and South Africa faced opposition from new members Egypt and Ethiopia as they bid for permanent seats on the UN Security Council. This divergence not only affects the efficiency of cooperation within the BRICS, but also exposes the potential risks brought about by the expansion.
For the BRICS countries, the suspension is not a refusal to cooperate, but an attempt to stabilize the internal mechanism and allow new and old members to find a balance in cooperation. The five new members admitted last year will need time to adapt to the existing tradition of cooperation and decision-making among the BRICS countries. This is not a simple run-in, but a complex adjustment involving national interests, global strategies, and the operation of multilateral mechanisms. Therefore, the suspension of the expansion is actually to avoid more internal contradictions and to ensure that the cooperation of the existing members is carried out smoothly.
The shelving of Turkey's request for membership actually reflects its diplomatic dilemma. As a member of NATO, Turkey has close cooperation with the West on security and military matters, but in recent years, Turkey has frequently moved eastward in an attempt to find a new foothold in multilateral mechanisms dominated by China and Russia.
This two-way betting strategy, while seemingly flexible, also blurs Turkey's international positioning. From the BRICS perspective, Turkey's relations with NATO could become a potential point of conflict. After all, the BRICS is not just an economic union, it is also a political platform to some extent. Turkey's NATO status means that it will be at odds with the BRICS on many international issues.
Of course, Turkey's motivation for rushing to join the BRICS is not difficult to understand, and since becoming an EU candidate in 1999, Turkey's accession talks have stalled. Faced with the EU's slow door open, Turkey began to turn its attention to other international organizations, trying to increase its international influence through new cooperation platforms. BRICS, as a representative of the countries of the Global South, is naturally the preferred target for Turkey.
In the case of Turkey, the BRICS countries have taken a cautious approach, which is based on considerations for the stability of existing cooperation mechanisms. As the number of enlarged member states has doubled, coordination within the BRICS countries has become increasingly complex. The intertwined interests of member states in the economic, political, and military fields require time and patience to coordinate. If a country like Turkey is admitted at this time, it will inevitably bring more uncertainty to BRICS cooperation.
The expansion of BRICS is not to simply increase the number of members, but to expand the scope of cooperation, gather more global forces, and promote the development of multilateral cooperation. The accession of Egypt, Iran, U.A.E., Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia proves that these countries have sufficient capacity and potential to reach a basic consensus on core interests with the existing BRICS members. As for Turkey, the BRICS countries clearly do not see the right time to do so.
The suspension of BRICS membership has actually provided an important "buffer period" for future development. During this period, the BRICS countries will focus on optimizing their internal mechanisms to ensure that existing members can find consensus in cooperation and form a stable cooperation model. At the same time, BRICS countries are also actively exploring new forms of cooperation, and may expand the depth and breadth of cooperation in the future through the establishment of observer states and dialogue partners. In this process, the influence of BRICS countries will continue to increase and become an important force in global multilateral cooperation.
For Turkey, although the current effort to join the BRICS may be a temporary failure, this does not mean that there is no chance at all in the future. The decision to expand the BRICS membership was based more on the need for internal stability and long-term cooperation than on simple geopolitical considerations. If Turkey can show a clearer position and a more constructive attitude in future international affairs, it is still possible to find its place in the framework of BRICS cooperation.
By steadily advancing cooperation, BRICS countries will continue to play a greater role in global affairs. And for those who are eager to join, what is perhaps more needed is patience and a deep understanding of multilateral cooperation.
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