On June 7, 1915, the signing of a treaty changed the fate of China. In distant Kyakhta, the Beiyang government of China, the autonomous authorities of Outer Mongolia, and Tsarist Russia reached an agreement that became known as the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente. On the surface, the treaty seemed to be just an adjustment of Outer Mongolia's status, changing "independence" to "autonomy". However, behind this seemingly simple text, there is a conspiracy of the loss of national sovereignty and the great power game. Why would the Beiyang government agree to sign such an agreement? And what role did Tsarist Russia play in this? What impact did this treaty have on China? Let's uncover this little-known historical truth together.
Everyone in the world knows that the "Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente" was signed in 1915, but they do not know that behind this entente, there is a decades-long historical origin. If we want to talk about the origin of this agreement, we have to start from the end of the 19th century.
At that time, the Qing Dynasty was already in decline and stormy. Tsarist Russia, on the other hand, was like a hungry polar bear, staring at the fertile land of China. The Russians, in particular, focused their attention on the vast Mongolian region of northern China.
In 1891, the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway began. This trans-Eurasian railway was not only a transportation artery for Tsarist Russia's expansion into the Far East, but also a springboard for its peek into China's Mongolian region. Wherever the railroad is built, Russian influence will penetrate.
Fast forward to 1900, when the Eight-Nation Coalition broke out. Taking advantage of the fact that the Qing government was in a hurry, Tsarist Russia took advantage of the fire to loot and sent troops to invade and occupy the three northeastern provinces. For a time, the Russians' power in northern China was in full swing, and their ambitions for Mongolia were growing stronger.
In 1911, a sudden revolution completely changed the political landscape of China. The Xinhai Revolution broke out, and the Qing Dynasty was crumbling. At this sudden change, the Russians saw the opportunity and quietly sent a special envoy to contact the feudal princes of Outer Mongolia.
These princes had long been dissatisfied with the rule of the Qing Dynasty, and the Russians sowed discord, and the idea of "independence" germinated in their hearts. On December 1, Outer Mongolia declared "independence" and elected the Living Buddha Jebtsundamba Hutuktu as the Great Khan.
When the news reached Beijing, Yuan Shikai, who had just been inaugurated as interim president, was dumbfounded. Seeing that the Qing Dynasty was about to change hands, I didn't expect Mongolia to break away from China again! Yuan Shikai was so anxious that he immediately sent troops to suppress it. Unfortunately, it was too late, the Russians were already secretly supporting Outer Mongolia, and the Chinese army could not move an inch.
In desperation, Yuan Shikai had no choice but to turn to the great powers, hoping to solve the Mongolian problem through diplomatic means. However, the Great Powers all had evil intentions and turned a deaf ear to China's requests. Only Tsarist Russia expressed its willingness to "mediate", but where is this mediation, it is clearly trying to take the opportunity to control Outer Mongolia!
In 1912, Russia took the opportunity to sign the Russian-Mongolian Entente with Outer Mongolia, recognizing the "independent" status of Outer Mongolia. This was followed by the signing of the Russian-Mongolian Commercial Treaty, which granted special trade rights in Mongolia. This series of actions is tantamount to carving out an enclave on China's territory.
Yuan Shikai's government could not bear this and protested to Russia many times. However, at this time, China was suffering from internal and external troubles, and was simply unable to compete with Russia. In exchange for Russia's support, Yuan Shikai had to sign the Sino-Russian Declaration with Russia in November 1913.
Although this document ostensibly acknowledges that Outer Mongolia is "part of China's territory," it actually recognizes Outer Mongolia's "autonomous" status. What is even worse is that the document also recognizes the validity of the "Russian-Mongolian Entente", which is tantamount to acquiescing in Russia's control over Outer Mongolia.
In this way, in the eyes of the great powers and internal turmoil, the door of China's northern Xinjiang was gradually pried open. In September 1914, China, Russia and Mongolia began negotiations in Kyakhta in preparation for the signing of a new agreement. The negotiations lasted nine months, during which there were many arguments and differences.
Finally, on June 7, 1915, the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente, which would forever change the map of China, was born. It not only confirmed the contents of the previous Sino-Russian Declaration Document, but also fixed Russia's privileges in Outer Mongolia in the form of a treaty. Since then, China's de facto rule in Outer Mongolia has been completely lost, and a protracted tragedy of sovereignty has officially begun.
On September 8, 1914, Kyakhta, a small town on the border between China and Russia, suddenly became the center of international attention. Representatives of China, Russia and Outer Mongolia gathered here for a protracted tripartite meeting. The talks will culminate in the signing of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente, but before that, the representatives of the parties will go through a difficult and tortuous negotiation process.
The Chinese side sent Chen Zheng, Secretary for Political Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as plenipotentiary. Chen Zheng is an experienced diplomat who has participated in many important international negotiations. However, this negotiation is destined to be the most difficult of his diplomatic career.
The Russian representative was Miller, a seasoned diplomat well versed in Eastern affairs. He came with a secret decree from the Tsar with a clear goal: to ensure the special status of Russia in Outer Mongolia.
Outer Mongolia sent the Dalai Lama's envoy, Tsewang Dorji. Although this Mongolian nobleman lacked experience in international negotiations, he had the support of Russia behind him and was very tough.
At the beginning of the negotiations, the three parties had a fierce dispute over the status of Outer Mongolia. China insists that Outer Mongolia is an inalienable part of China and can only enjoy limited autonomy. Russia, on the other hand, argues that Outer Mongolia should have a high degree of autonomy, which is effectively equivalent to independence. The representatives of Outer Mongolia directly demanded that their independent status be recognized.
The debate went on for weeks with no progress. Just when the negotiations were at an impasse, an unexpected event upset the balance. In August 1914, World War I broke out. Russia entered the war as an Entente and urgently needed China's support. This gave the Chinese delegates a certain amount of bargaining chips.
Chen Zheng seized this opportunity and proposed a compromise plan: abolishing the "independent" status of Outer Mongolia and replacing it with "autonomy", but at the same time recognizing Russia's special interests in Outer Mongolia. This plan formally safeguarded China's sovereignty and gave Russia substantial benefits, temporarily breaking the deadlock in the negotiations.
However, new differences soon reappeared. With regard to the specific content of Outer Mongolia's autonomy, the three parties have their own opinions. China wants to limit the scope of autonomy, while Russia seeks to expand its autonomy. The two sides engaged in heated debates on military, diplomatic, and taxation issues in Outer Mongolia.
The most difficult issue is Outer Mongolia's foreign relations. Russia insisted that Outer Mongolia should have the right to conclude commercial treaties with foreign countries, while China believed that this would seriously undermine China's sovereignty. To this end, the two sides launched a months-long tug-of-war.
In the fourth month of negotiations, another unexpected event occurred. In January 1915, Japan made the infamous "Twenty-One Demands" to China. In the face of the Japanese threat, the Chinese government became more desperate to resolve the Mongolian problem in order to concentrate on dealing with Japanese pressure.
In this case, the Chinese representative had to make concessions on a number of issues. They agreed that Outer Mongolia could enter into treaties with foreign countries on industry and commerce, but only with the approval of the Chinese government. This compromise, while formally preserving China's sovereignty, actually gave Outer Mongolia a great deal of autonomy.
As the negotiations deepened, more details surfaced. For example, how is the jurisdiction in Outer Mongolia divided? How is the authority of Chinese officials in Outer Mongolia defined? Each of these issues involves a complex entanglement of interests and requires repeated negotiations.
After lengthy negotiations, the three parties finally reached a consensus on most issues. However, just as the agreement was about to be signed, there was another unexpected episode. The Chinese government suddenly demanded that a secret clause be included in the agreement, prohibiting the stationing of Russian troops in Outer Mongolia.
This demand aroused strong opposition from the Russian representatives. As a result, the two sides once again reached an impasse, and the negotiations were in danger of breaking down. In the end, as a result of a compromise between the parties, this clause was changed to the form of an exchange of notes between China and Russia, rather than being written into a formal agreement.
Finally, on June 7, 1915, the difficult negotiations that lasted nearly nine months came to an end. The signing of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente marked the beginning of a new era. However, the signing of this agreement does not mean a complete solution to the problem. On the contrary, it sows the seeds of more strife in the future.
On June 7, 1915, the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente was formally signed in Kyakhta. This seemingly ordinary diplomatic document is in fact a sharp blade that quietly cuts through China's territorial integrity. Every clause of the treaty deeply touches China's core interests and causes irreversible damage to China's sovereignty. Let's break down the main elements of the pact and its far-reaching implications for China.
First, the Entente recognized Outer Mongolia as an "autonomous region" of China. On the surface, this seems to be an affirmation of China's sovereignty. However, upon closer examination, the scope and depth of this "autonomy" has gone far beyond local autonomy in the ordinary sense. In effect, this is a de facto independent enclave on China's territory.
The treaty stipulates that Outer Mongolia enjoys autonomy in internal affairs, finance, economy, and justice. This means that the Chinese central government is completely stripped of its powers in these areas. Outer Mongolia could make its own laws, collect taxes, issue currency, and even form its own army. The Chinese government's control over Outer Mongolia has effectively ceased to exist in name only.
What is more serious is that the treaty also gave Outer Mongolia a certain right to foreign relations. Although the Entente prohibits Outer Mongolia from concluding treaties of a political nature with foreign countries, it allows it to negotiate with other countries on commercial and industrial matters. This clause opened the door for further Russian and other powers to penetrate Outer Mongolia.
The treaty also stipulated that China would not send troops or officials to Outer Mongolia and would not pursue a colonial policy there. This effectively cut off China's direct ties with Outer Mongolia, making it difficult for the Chinese government to exert real influence over Outer Mongolia.
At the same time, the Entente confirmed the special status of Russia in Outer Mongolia. Russia was granted consular jurisdiction in Outer Mongolia and was free to send consular officers. This not only violated China's judicial sovereignty, but also provided a legal basis for Russia to interfere in the internal affairs of Outer Mongolia.
What is even more noteworthy is that the Entente also recognized the validity of the previous Russo-Mongolian Entente and the Russian-Mongolian Commercial Pact. These two treaties granted Russia a wide range of economic privileges in Outer Mongolia, including the right to free trade, the establishment of banks, and the exploitation of minerals. This is tantamount to ceding the economic lifeline of Outer Mongolia to Russia.
The treaty also stipulates that if a dispute arises between China and Russia over the Outer Mongolia issue, it should be settled through joint consultation between China, Russia and Mongolia. This seemingly fair clause actually puts Outer Mongolia on an equal footing with China and further weakens China's sovereignty over Outer Mongolia.
On the border issue, the Entente vaguely stated "the status quo". This vague formulation has laid a hidden danger for future border disputes. In fact, this was tantamount to acquiescing in the actual control of Outer Mongolia at that time, and China lost its sovereignty over these areas.
The Entente also dealt with religious issues. It recognized the special status of Lamaism in Outer Mongolia and allowed Outer Mongolia to maintain religious ties with Tibet. This appears to be a sign of respect for religious freedom, but in fact it facilitates collusion between separatist forces in Outer Mongolia and Tibet.
In terms of culture and education, the treaty granted autonomy to Outer Mongolia. Outer Mongolia can decide on its own education policy and use its own language. This makes it difficult for the Chinese government to strengthen the sense of national identity of the people of Outer Mongolia through cultural education.
The treaty also contained a number of clauses that appeared to favor China, such as stipulating that Outer Mongolia would not conclude treaties of a political nature with foreign countries and would not cede territory to foreign countries. However, in practice, these provisions are often non-existent and difficult to play a practical role.
It is worth mentioning that at the same time as the signing of the treaty, China and Russia also exchanged a secret note. The note stipulated that Russia was not allowed to station troops in Outer Mongolia. This may seem like a form of protection for China's sovereignty, but in reality, Russia can continue to influence the military affairs of Outer Mongolia through other means, such as sending military advisers.
In general, although the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente formally recognized China's suzerainty over Outer Mongolia, in practice it greatly weakened China's de facto control over Outer Mongolia. It provided a legal basis for Russia and other powers to further erode China's sovereignty, and also laid the groundwork for Outer Mongolia's future independence.
The signing of this treaty marked a major defeat for China on the Outer Mongolia issue. It not only led directly to the loss of China's de facto control over Outer Mongolia, but also paved the way for the complete independence of Outer Mongolia in the future. In the long run, the treaty caused incalculable damage to China's territorial integrity and national sovereignty.
The signing of the "Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente" was like a bombshell, setting off turbulent waves on the political map of East Asia. This treaty not only changed the trilateral relations between China, Russia, and Outer Mongolia, but also triggered a series of chain reactions throughout the region, leading to profound and complex changes in the situation.
First, in Outer Mongolia, the signing of the Entente immediately triggered a reorganization of power. Local officials who were originally attached to China were removed and replaced by a new group of pro-Russian aristocrats. These new aristocrats, with the support of Russia, quickly took control of the political, economic, and military power of Outer Mongolia. In August 1915, Outer Mongolia established a government agency that was nominally independent of China and began to exercise the power of autonomy granted by the Entente.
At the same time, Russia began a large-scale infiltration of Outer Mongolia. Russian merchants, engineers, and military advisers poured into Outer Mongolia, quickly taking control of the region's economic lifeline with the help of Entente privileges. Russia set up a bank in Ulaanbaatar (then known as Kulen) and monopolized financial business in Outer Mongolia. Russian merchants also took the opportunity to buy a large number of livestock products from Outer Mongolia, causing local prices to soar and the people's lives to be in trouble.
Militarily, although the Entente forbade Russia to station troops in Outer Mongolia, Russia actually controlled the military power of Outer Mongolia by sending military advisers. By the end of 1916, under the guidance of Russian advisers, Outer Mongolia had formed a modern army of about 5,000 men, equipped with advanced weapons provided by Russia.
As a result of these changes, Outer Mongolia has become increasingly disconnected from China. Chinese officials in Outer Mongolia, while still nominally in existence, have in practice lost any real power. They are confined to designated areas and are not even able to freely interact with the local population.
However, the change in the situation has not been all smooth sailing. In 1917, the February and October Revolutions broke out in Russia, the tsarist regime was overthrown, and the Bolshevik Party came to power. This upheaval had a profound impact on Outer Mongolia. The newly formed Soviet regime renounced all unequal treaties of the tsarist period, including those relating to Outer Mongolia. This move put Outer Mongolia's political elite in a difficult position.
Taking advantage of this opportunity, the Chinese government began to try to regain control of Outer Mongolia. In October 1919, the Chinese warlord Xu Shuzheng led his army into Outer Mongolia, abolished the autonomous government of Outer Mongolia, and re-established China's direct rule over Outer Mongolia. This action appears to have restored China's control of Outer Mongolia in the short term, but in fact it has intensified anti-China sentiment among the local population.
At the same time, Japan began to look at Outer Mongolia. The Japanese government believed that the decline of Russian power had created an opportunity for it to enter Outer Mongolia. In 1918, Japan sent a large number of agents and merchants into Outer Mongolia in an attempt to replace Russian influence. This further complicates the situation in Outer Mongolia.
In this complicated situation, new political forces began to emerge within Outer Mongolia. A group of Russian-educated intellectuals began to organize a rebellion, which was both opposed to Chinese rule and dissatisfied with Russian control, and advocated the establishment of a truly independent Mongolian state. These people later became the core of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party.
In 1920, the situation changed again. With the support of Soviet Russia, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party launched an armed uprising. They soon took control of most of Outer Mongolia and proclaimed the establishment of the Mongolian People's Government in July 1921. This marked the complete departure of Outer Mongolia from China's control and embarked on the road of independence.
It is worth noting that this series of changes is not limited to Outer Mongolia. The signing of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente also had a significant impact on China's internal situation. The content of the Entente was perceived by the domestic population as the weakness of the government, which aroused strong nationalist sentiments. This sentiment later became one of the important driving forces of the May Fourth Movement.
At the same time, the signing of the Entente also affected China's relations with other powers. The Japanese government believes that China's concessions on Outer Mongolia have set a precedent for it to make more demands. This directly led to the "21 demands" put forward by Japan to China in 1915, which further aggravated the tension between China and Japan.
In the international arena, the signing of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente also attracted the attention of other powers. Britain, France and other countries have demanded similar privileges from China, which has put China in a more passive position diplomatically.
In general, the signing of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente triggered a series of complex changes in the situation. It not only changed the political landscape of Outer Mongolia, but also profoundly affected China's domestic and foreign affairs. The impact of these changes continues to this day and is one of the key clues to understanding the political landscape of modern East Asia.
The signing of the "Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente" was like a boulder thrown into a calm lake, stirring up ripples in China's modern diplomatic history. This treaty not only directly affected China's relations with Russia and Outer Mongolia, but also changed China's diplomatic strategy and international status on a broader level, leaving a profound historical lesson for future generations.
First of all, the signing of the treaty marked the failure of China's diplomatic strategy of "countering raze with raze". Prior to the signing of the Entente, the Chinese government sought to use Russia as a counterweight to Japanese expansion in the Northeast. However, this strategy not only failed to contain Japan, but instead gave Russia legitimacy to interfere in China's internal affairs. This failure forced the Chinese government to re-examine its diplomatic strategy, recognizing the dangers of finding a balance between the great powers.
Second, the pact exposed China's lack of diplomatic talent. In the course of the negotiations, the Chinese delegates showed a clear lack of experience and negotiation skills. They failed to fully understand the potential risks of some of the vague clauses in the treaty, and failed to assert China's core interests. This problem directly led to a series of subsequent diplomatic failures, and also prompted the Chinese government to begin to pay attention to the cultivation of diplomatic talents.
In 1916, the Beiyang government set up the Institute of Diplomatic Studies to train diplomatic talents. This can be seen as a direct reaction to the failure of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente. However, talent development is a long-term process that is difficult to achieve results in the short term. As a result, in the years that followed, China remained at a disadvantage in diplomatic negotiations.
The treaty also exposed China's inadequacies in knowledge of international law. Many of the provisions of the treaty dealt with complex concepts of international law, such as "autonomy", "suzerainty", etc. The apparent lack of understanding of these concepts by the representative of China led to a passive position in the negotiations. This lesson prompted the Chinese Government to attach importance to the study and research of international law. In the 1920s, Peking University and other institutions of higher learning began to systematically offer courses in international law.
More far-reachingly, the signing of the treaty deepened the Chinese government's distrust of the international system. Until the treaty was signed, the Chinese government still wanted to protect its interests by abiding by international rules. However, the content of the Treaty, which clearly contradicted the basic principles of public international law, was nevertheless recognized by the international community. This experience has led the Chinese government to question the fairness of the Western-dominated international order.
This distrust directly influenced China's subsequent diplomatic behavior. The Chinese delegation's refusal to sign the Treaty of Versailles at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 was a direct manifestation of this distrust. Although this move damaged China's international image in the short term, it also demonstrated China's determination to safeguard its sovereignty and laid the foundation for subsequent diplomatic struggles.
The Entente also influenced China's ethnic policy. The Entente recognized Outer Mongolia's "autonomous" status, an approach that was emulated by other ethnic minority areas, leading to a series of separatist movements. In response to this situation, the Chinese government has had to rethink its ethnic policy. In the early 1920s, Sun Yat-sen's concept of a "republic of five ethnic groups" can be seen as a response to this problem to some extent.
At the level of international relations, the signing of the treaty also had a far-reaching impact. It sends a dangerous signal to the international community: China's sovereignty can be violated. This directly led to more unequal demands on China by countries such as Japan and the United Kingdom. Japan's "21 Demands" in 1915 can be seen as a direct consequence of this attitude.
However, the effects of the Entente were not all negative. It has also provided China with valuable diplomatic experience. For example, in dealing with the Tibet issue, the Chinese government has taken a more cautious approach by drawing on the lessons learned from the Outer Mongolia issue. To a certain extent, this curbed the development of the Tibetan independence movement.
In addition, the signing of the treaty also promoted the patriotic sentiment of the Chinese people. When the terms of the treaty were announced, mass protests broke out across the country. This nationalist sentiment later became an important driving force in the May Fourth Movement, which had a profound impact on China's modernization process.
From a long-term historical perspective, the signing of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente can be regarded as a turning point in China's modern diplomatic history. It marked the beginning of China's shift from passively accepting unequal treaties to actively fighting for equal status. Although this process was full of hardships, it accumulated valuable experience for China's subsequent diplomatic struggles.
Overall, the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente has had an all-round impact on China's modern diplomacy. It not only changed China's specific foreign policy, but also profoundly affected China's diplomatic philosophy and international status. These influences continue to this day and serve as an important backdrop for understanding China's modern foreign policy.